| > I think that was before anyone knew what Hitler and Stalin were up to
> or were really like in character.
Not so. The article in 1938 about Hitler is rather clear that they don't
think much of him at all. Here it is:
January 2, 1939
_________________________________________________________________
MAN OF THE YEAR
ADOLF HITLER
Greatest single news event of 1938 took place on September 29, when
four statesmen met at the Fuhrerhaus, in Munich, to redraw the map of
Europe. The three visiting statesmen at that historic conference were
Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain of Great Britain, Premier Edouard
Daladier of France, and Dictator Benito Mussolini of Italy. But by all
odds the dominating figure at Munich was the German host, Adolf
Hitler.
Fuhrer of the German people, Commander-in-Chief of the German Army,
Navy & Air Force, Chancellor of the Third Reich, Herr Hitler reaped on
that day at Munich the harvest of an audacious, defiant, ruthless
foreign policy he had pursued for five and a half years. He had torn
the Treaty of Versailles to shreds. He had rearmed Germany to the
teeth--or as close to the tooth as he was able. He had stolen Austria
before the eyes of a horrified and apparently impotent world.
All these events were shocking to nations which had defeated Germany
on the battlefield only 20 years before, but nothing so terrified the
world as the ruthless, methodical, Nazi-directed events which during
late summer and early autumn threatened a world war over
Czechoslovakia. When without loss of blood he reduced Czechoslovakia
to a German puppet state, forced a drastic revision of Europe's
defensive alliances, and won a free hand for himself in Eastern Europe
by getting a "hands-off" promise from powerful Britain (and later
France), Adolf Hitler without doubt became 1938's Man of the Year.
Most other world figures of 1938 faded in importance as the year drew
to a close. Prime Minister Chamberlain's "peace with honor" seemed
more than ever to have achieved neither. An increasing number of
Britons ridiculed his appease-the-dictators policy, believed that
nothing save abject surrender could satisfy the dictators' ambitions.
Among many Frenchmen there rose a feeling that Premier Daladier, by a
few strokes of the pen at Munich, had turned France into a second-rate
power. Aping Mussolini in his gestures and copying triumphant Hitler's
shouting complex, the once liberal Daladier at year's end was reduced
to using parliamentary tricks to keep his job.
During 1938 Dictator Mussolini was only a decidedly junior partner in
the firm of Hitler & Mussolini, Inc. His noisy agitation to get
Corsica and Tunis from France was rated as a weak bluff whose
immediate objectives were no more than cheaper tolls for Italian ships
in the Suez Canal and control of the Djibouti-Addis Ababa railroad.
Gone from the international scene was Eduard Benes, for 20 years
Europe's "Smartest Little Statesman." Last President of free
Czechoslovakia, he was now a sick exile from the country he helped
found. Pious Chinese Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, Man of 1937, was
forced to retreat to a "New" West China, where he faced the
possibility of becoming only a respectable figurehead in an enveloping
Communist movement. If Francisco Franco had won the Spanish Civil War
after his great spring drive, he might well have been Man-of-the-Year
timber. But victory still eluded the Generalissimo and war weariness
and disaffection on the Rightist side made his future precarious.
On the American scene, 1938 was no one man's year. Certainly it was
not Franklin Roosevelt's; his Purge was beaten and his party lost much
of its bulge in the Congress. Secretary Hull will remember Good
Neighborly 1938 as the year he crowned his trade treaty efforts with
the British agreement, but history will not specially identify Mr.
Hull with 1938. At year's end in Lima, his plan of Continental
Solidarity for the two Americas had a few of its teeth pulled.
But the figure of Adolf Hitler strode over a cringing Europe with all
the swagger of a conqueror. Not the mere fact that the Fuhrer brought
10,500,000 more people (7,000,000 Austrians, 3,500,000 Sudetens) under
his absolute rule made him the Man of 1938. Japan during the same time
added tens of millions of Chinese to her empire. More significant was
the fact Hitler became in 1938 the greatest threatening force that the
democratic, freedom-loving world faces today.
His shadow fell far beyond Germany's frontier. Small, neighboring
States (Denmark, Norway, Czechoslovakia, Lithuania, The Balkans,
Luxembourg, The Netherlands) feared to offend him. In France Nazi
pressure was in part responsible for some of the post-Munich
anti-democratic decrees. Fascism had intervened openly in Spain, had
fostered a revolt in Brazil, was covertly aiding revolutionary
movements in Rumania, Hungary, Poland, Lithuania. In Finland a foreign
minister had to resign under Nazi pressure. Throughout eastern Europe
after Munich the trend was toward less freedom, more dictatorship. In
the U.S. alone did democracy feel itself strong enough at year's end
to give Hitler his come-uppance.
The Fascintern, with Hitler in the driver's seat, with Mussolini,
Franco and the Japanese military cabal riding behind, emerged in 1938
as an international, revolutionary movement. Rant as he might against
the machinations of international Communism and international Jewry,
or rave as he would that he was just a Pan-German trying to get all
the Germans back in one nation, Fuhrer Hitler had himself become the
world's No. 1 International Revolutionist--so much so that if the
oft-predicted struggle between Fascism and Communism now takes place
it will be only because two revolutionist dictators, Hitler and
Stalin, are too big to let each other live in the same world.
But Fuhrer Hitler does not regard himself as a revolutionary; he has
become so only by force of circumstances. Fascism has discovered that
freedom--of press, speech, assembly--is a potential danger to its own
security. In Fascist phraseology democracy is often coupled with
Communism. The Fascist battle against freedom is often carried forward
under the false slogan of "Down with Communism!" One of the chief
German complaints against democratic Czechoslovakia last summer was
that it was an "outpost of Communism."
A generation ago western civilization had apparently outgrown the
major evils of barbarism except for war between nations. The Russian
Communist Revolution promoted the evil of class war. Hitler topped it
by another, race war. Fascism and Communism both resurrected religious
war. These multiple forms of barbarism gave shape in 1938 to an issue
over which men may again, perhaps soon, shed blood: the issue of
civilized liberty v. barbaric authoritarianism.
Lesser men of the year seemed small indeed beside the Fuhrer.
Undoubted Crook of the Year was the late Frank Donald Coster (ne
Musica), with Richard Whitney, now in Sing Sing Prison, as runner-up.
Sportsman of the Year was Tennist Donald Budge, champion of the U.S.,
England, France, Australia. Aviator of the Year was 33-year-old Howard
Robard Hughes, diffident millionaire, who flew a sober, precise,
foolproof course 14,716 miles round the top of the world in three
days, 19 hours, eight minutes.
Radio's Man of the Year was youthful Orson Welles who, in his famous
The War of the Worlds broadcast, scared fewer people than Hitler, but
more than had ever been frightened by radio before, demonstrating that
radio can be a tremendous force in whipping up mass emotion.
Playwright of the Year was Thornton Wilder, previously a precious
litterateur, whose first play on Broadway, Our Town, was not only
ingenious and moving, but a big hit. To Gabriel Pascal, producer of
Pygmalion, first full-length picture based on the wordy dramas of
George Bernard Shaw, went the title of Cineman of the Year for having
discovered a rich mine of dramatic material when other famed producers
had given up all hope of ever tapping it. Men of the Year, outstanding
in comprehensive science were three medical researchers who discovered
that nicotinic acid was a cure for human pellagra: Drs. Tom Douglas
Spies of Cincinnati General Hospital, Marion Arthur Blankenhorn of the
University of Cincinnati, Clark Niel Cooper of Waterloo, Iowa.
In religion, the two outstanding figures of 1938 were in sharp
contrast save for their opposition to Adolf Hitler. One of them, Pope
Pius XI, 81, spoke with "bitter sadness" of Italy's anti-Semitic laws,
the harrying of Italian Catholic Action groups, the reception
Mussolini gave Hitler last May, declared sadly: "We have offered our
now old life for the peace and prosperity of peoples. We offer it
anew." By spending most of the year in a concentration camp,
Protestant Pastor Martin Niemoller gave courageous witness to his
faith.
It was noteworthy that few of these other men of the year would have
been free to achieve their accomplishments in Nazi Germany. The genius
of free wills has been so stifled by the oppression of dictatorship
that Germany's output of poetry, prose, music, philosophy,art has been
meagre indeed.
The man most responsible for this world tragedy is a moody, brooding,
unprepossessing, 49-year-old Austrian-born ascetic with a Charlie
Chaplin mustache. The son of an Austrian petty customs official, Adolf
Hitler was raised as a spoiled child by a doting mother. Consistently
failing to pass even the most elementary studies, he grew up a
half-educated young man, untrained for any trade or profession,
seemingly doomed to failure. Brilliant, charming, cosmopolitan Vienna
he learned to loathe for what he called its Semitism; more to his
liking was homogeneous Munich, his real home after 1912. To this man
of no trade and few interests the Great War was a welcome event which
gave him some purpose in life. Hitler took part in 48 engagements, won
the German Iron Cross (first class), was wounded once and gassed once,
was in a hospital when the Armistice of November 11, 1918 was
declared.
His political career began in 1919 when he became Member No. 7 of the
midget German Labor Party. Discovering his powers of oratory, Hitler
soon became the party's leader, changed its name to the National
Socialist German Labor Party, wrote is anti- Semitic, anti-democratic,
authoritarian program. The party's first mass meeting took place in
Munich in February 1920. The leader intended to participate in a
monarchist attempt to seize power a month later; but for this abortive
Putsch Fuhrer Hitler arrived too late. An even less successful
National Socialist attempt--the famed Munich Beer Hall Putsch of
1923--provided the party with dead martyrs, landed Herr Hitler in
jail. His incarceration at Landsberg Fortress gave him time to write
the first volume of Mein Kampf, now a "must" on every German
bookshelf. (Deputy Fuhrer Rudolf Hess helped write it. Imprisonment
also gave Hitler time to perfect his tactics. Even before that time he
got from his Communist opponents the idea of gangster-like party storm
troopers; after this the principle of the small cell groups of devoted
party workers.)
Outlawed in many German districts, the National Socialist Party
nevertheless climbed steadily in membership. Time-honored Tammany Hall
methods of handing out many small favors were combined with rowdy
terrorism and lurid, patriotic propaganda. The picture of a mystic,
abstemious, charismatic Fuhrer was assiduously cultivated.
Not until 1929 did National Socialism win its first absolute majority
in a city election (at Coburg) and make its first significant showing
in a provincial election (in Thuringia). But from 1928 on the party
almost continually gained in electoral strength. In the Reichstag
elections of 1928 it polled 809,000 votes. Two years later 6,401,016
Germans voted for National Socialist deputies while in 1932 the vote
was 13,732,779. While still short of a majority, the vote was
nevertheless impressive proof of the power of the man and his
movement.
The situation which gave rise to this demagogic, ignorant, desperate
movement was inherent in the German Republic's birth and in the
craving of large sections of the politically immature German people
for strong, masterful leadership. Democracy in Germany was conceived
in the womb of military defeat. It was the Republic which put its
signature (unwillingly) to the humiliating Versailles Treaty, a brand
of shame which it never lived down in German minds.
That the German people love uniforms, parades, military formations,
and submit easily to authority is no secret. Fuhrer Hitler's own hero
is Frederick the Great. That admiration stems undoubtedly from
Frederick's military prowess and autocratic rule rather than from
Frederick's love of French culture and his hatred of Prussian
boorishness. But unlike the polished Frederick, Fuhrer Hitler, whose
reading has always been very limited, invites few great minds to visit
him, nor would Fuhrer Hitler agree with Frederick's contention that he
was "tired of ruling over slaves." (Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor,
also complained of the submissiveness of German character.)
In bad straits even in fair weather, the German Republic collapsed
under the weight of the 1929-34 depression in which German
unemployment soared to 7,000,000 above a nationwide wind drift of
bankruptcies and failures. Called to power as Chancellor of the Third
Reich on January 30, 1933 by aged, senile President Paul von
Hindenburg, Chancellor Hitler began to turn the Reich inside out.
Unemployment was solved by: 1) a far-reaching program of public works;
2) an intense re-armament program, including a huge standing army; 3)
enforced labor in the service of the State (the German Labor Corps);
4) putting political enemies and Jewish, Communist and Socialist
jobholders in concentration camps.
What Adolf Hitler & Co. did to Germany in less than six years was
applauded wildly and ecstatically by most Germans. He lifted the
nation from post-War defeatism. Under the swastika Germany was
unified. His was no ordinary dictatorship, but rather one of great
energy and magnificent planning. The "socialist" part of National
Socialism might be scoffed at by hard-&-fast Marxists, but the Nazi
movement nevertheless had a mass basis. The 1,500 miles of magnificent
highways built, schemes for cheap cars and simple workers' benefits,
grandiose plans for rebuilding German cities made Germans burst with
pride. Germans might eat many substitute foods or wear ersatz clothes
but they did eat.
What Adolf Hitler & Co. did to the German people in that time left
civilized men and women aghast. Civil rights and liberties have
disappeared. Opposition to the Nazi regime has become tantamount to
suicide or worse. Free speech and free assembly are anachronisms. The
reputations of the once-vaunted German centres of learning have
vanished. Education has been reduced to a National Socialist
catechism.
Pace Quickened. Germany's 700,000 Jews have been tortured physically,
robbed of homes and properties, denied a chance to earn a living,
chased off the streets. Now they are being held for "ransom," a
gangster trick through the ages. But not only Jews have suffered. Out
of Germany has come a steady, ever- swelling stream of refugees, Jews
and Gentiles, liberals and conservatives, Catholics as well as
Protestants, who could stand Naziism no longer. TIME's cover, showing
Organist Adolf Hitler playing his hymn of hate in a desecrated
cathedral while victims dangle on a St. Catherine's wheel and the Nazi
hierarchy looks on, was drawn by Baron Rudolph Charles von Ripper, a
Catholic who found Germany intolerable.
Meanwhile, Germany has become a nation of uniforms, goose- stepping to
Hitler's tune, where boys of ten are taught to throw hand grenades,
where women are regarded as breeding machines. Most cruel joke of all,
however, has been played by Hitler & Co. on those German capitalists
and small businessmen who once backed National Socialism as a means of
saving Germany's bourgeois economic structure from radicalism. The
Nazi credo that the individual belongs to the state also applies to
business. Some businesses have been confiscated outright, on other
what amounts to a capital tax has been levied. Profits have been
strictly controlled. Some idea of the increasing Governmental control
and interference in business could be deduced from the fact that 80%
of all building and 50% of all industrial orders in Germany originated
last year with the Government. Hard-pressed for food- stuffs as well
as funds, the Nazi regime has taken over large estates and in many
instances collectivized agriculture, a procedure fundamentally similar
to Russian Communism.
When Germany took over Austria she took upon herself the care and
feeding of 7,000,000 poor relations. When 3,500,000 Sudetens were
absorbed, there were that many more mouths to feed. As 1938 drew to a
close many were the signs that the Nazi economy of exchange control,
barter trade, lowered standard of living, "self-sufficiency," was
cracking. Nor were signs lacking that many Germans disliked the
cruelties of their Government, but were afraid to protest them. Having
a hard time to provide enough bread to go round, Fuhrer Hitler was
being driven to give the German people another diverting circus. The
Nazi controlled press, jumping the rope at the count of Propaganda
Minister Paul Joseph Goebbels, shrieked insults at real and imagined
enemies. And the pace of the German dictatorship quickened as more &
more guns rolled from factories and little more butter was produced.
In five years under the Man of 1938, regimented Germany had made
itself one of the great military powers of the world today. The
British Navy remains supreme on the seas. Most military men regard the
French Army as incomparable. Biggest question mark is air strength,
which changes from day to day, but most observers believe Germany
superior in warplanes. Despite a shortage of trained officers and a
lack of materials, the German Army has become a formidable machine
which could probably be beaten only by a combination of opposing
armies. As testimony to his nation's puissance, Fuhrer Hitler could
look back over the year and remember that besides receiving countless
large-bore statesmen (Mr. Chamberlain three times, for instance), he
paid his personal respects to three kings (Sweden's Gustaf, Denmark's
Christian, Italy's Vittorio Emanuele) and was visited by two
(Bulgaria's Boris, Rumania's Carol--not counting Hungary's Regent,
Horthy).
Meanwhile an estimated 1,133 streets and squares, notably Rathaus
Platz in Vienna, acquired the name of Adolf Hitler. He delivered 96
public speeches, attended eleven opera performances (way below par),
vanquished two rivals (Benes and Kurt von Schuschnigg, Austria's last
Chancellor), sold 900,000 new copies of Mein Kampf in Germany besides
selling it widely in Italy and Insurgent Spain. His only loss was in
eyesight: he had to begin wearing spectacles for work. Last week Herr
Hitler entertained at a Christmas party 7,000 workmen now building
Berlin's new mammoth Chancellery, told them: "The next decade will
show those countries with their patent democracy where true culture is
to be found."
But other nations have emphatically joined the armaments race and
among military men the poser is: "Will Hitler fight when it becomes
definitely certain that he is losing that race?" The dynamics of
dictatorship are such that few who have studied Fascism and its
leaders can envision sexless, restless, instinctive Adolf Hitler
rounding out a mellow middle age in his mountain chalet at
Berchtesgaden while a satisfied German people drink beer and sing folk
songs. There is no guarantee that the have-not nations will go to
sleep when they have taken what they now want from the haves. To those
who watched the closing events of the year it seemed more than
probable that the Man of 1938 may make 1939 a year to be remembered.
|
| There Is No Right to Do Wrong
Alan Keyes
This is another in The Chronicle's series by Republican candidates
discussing their campaigns for the presidency. Alan Keyes is a
conservative radio commentator and former diplomat.
THE CRISIS Americans sense in our country today arises from one moral
challenge manifested in many areas. That challenge involves corruption
of our understanding of freedom, due mainly to abandoning the respect
for law and individual responsibility that ought to undergird it.
Our freedom depends on certain moral ideas. In my personal conscience
and belief, Christianity most perfectly embodies those ideas. But
Americans come from many religious and moral backgrounds, so in dealing
with public policy we must derive ideas from sources open to support
from people of all religious backgrounds.
Nothing meets this purpose more completely than the principles and
logic of our Declaration of Independence. The Declaration states
principles of justice defining our moral identity as Americans,
presenting a certain concept of our human nature and drawing out its
political consequences. It says all human beings are created equal,
needing no qualification beyond their simple humanity to command
respect for their intrinsic dignity, their ``inalienable rights.'' The
purpose of government is to secure these rights. A government
systematically violating them is neither just nor legitimate.
But our Declaration does more than assert rights. It also makes a clear
statement that God, the Creator and author of the laws of nature, is
the ultimate source of authority commanding respect for those rights.
If God did not exist, or if worldly powers were not obliged to respect
God's authority, there is no reason to recognize or respect rights with
which He has endowed all human beings. Thus the effective prerequisite
for human rights, and the idea of government based on consent (through
representation, elections, due process of law, etc.), is respect for
God's authority and eternal laws.
If we accept the logic of our Declaration, reverence for God is not
just a matter of religious faith; it's the foundation of our republic's
justice and citizenship. Freedom, therefore, cannot be confused with
licentiousness. We do not have the right, by choice or action, to
destroy or surrender our inalienable rights. Indeed, if we judge that
they are being systematically violated, we have a duty to resist and
overthrow the power responsible.
This duty involves the judgment and moral and material capacity to
resist tyranny. These constitute our character as a free people.
Our Republican Party was born of a commitment to principle by those who
had the courage to stand before the American people in the face of
great division, and insist that we respect the principles that make
America great, strong and free.
The decline of marriage and the moral dissolution of families come from
putting self first; from deciding that no obligations need be
respected. Our Founders knew better. They offered us a true vision of
America that is not licentious or foolishly indulgent -- but rather one
of freedom based on fear of God and respect for law.
We must restore to public discourse the simple truths affirmed by our
Founders from Washington through Jefferson, and restated by Lincoln and
every president until we arrived at our own cowardly times.
We must start by seeking to end government programs (like
family-destroy ing welfare efforts, and sex-education courses that
encourage promiscuity) that actually hasten the moral breakdown of our
nation. Our first priority must be restoring moral and material support
for the marriage-based, two-parent family. The disintegration of
families is the major contributing factor in poverty, crime, violence,
the decline in education performance and a host of other expensive
social problems.
The assertion of a right to abortion epitomizes the corrupt concept of
freedom that has tragically -- and, we may hope, temporarily --
achieved ascendancy in our times. We will not remain a free people if
we insist on being corrupt and licentious, or if we arrogate to
ourselves, individually or collectively through government, the right
to destroy the rights of others.
It's empty to praise the courage of those who died to preserve
America's freedom and principles, and then not stand up for those
principles.
America is not a quest for material progress, prosperity, great cities,
and mountains of money. We are grateful for our prosperity though it
came at much expense to some of our forebears -- those who toiled in
slavery -- but the real American dream is of self-government which
respects the fact that freedom is not just a choice or an opportunity.
Rather, freedom can be a burden, a sacrifice, and an obligation to
respect the truth of our moral identity. So long as we have the courage
to stand up for it, that moral identity can unite us across every line
of race, creed and color. If Republicans abandon that line of
principle, there are Americans who will fight to make it prevail -- few
or many, or alone if they must.
Historically when Americans choose between right and wrong, we choose
what is right, and we'll do it again. We know real heroes are those
who, in families and daily lives, respect the truth that we must meet
the obligations and sacrifices of freedom before we can claim its
privileges and benefits.
We must stand where our Founders stood -- believing that we cannot have
the right to do what is wrong. And as we adhere to principles of
justice, we will hold up a beacon of hope for all humankind.
5/16/95 , San Francisco Chronicle, All Rights Reserved
|
| (c) 1995 Copyright the News & Observer Publishing Co.
(c) 1995 N.Y. Times News Service
WASHINGTON (May 23, 1995 - 00:30) -- Saying that America is caught in a
spiritual crisis worsened by overly politicized churches, members of a
broadly ecumenical group of Christian leaders are releasing a statement
calling for a verbal "cease-fire" and a search for common ground
untainted by partisan ideology.
"Christian faith must not become another casualty of the culture wars,"
says the statement, which has been signed by more than 80 prominent
mainline Protestant, evangelical, Orthodox and Roman Catholic leaders,
including six Catholic bishops. "Inflamed rhetoric and name calling is
no substitute for real and prayerful dialogue between different
constituencies with legitimate concerns and a gospel of love, which can
bring people together."
The 1,800-word statement, titled "The Cry for Renewal: Let Other Voices
Be Heard," will be released here on Tuesday, a week after the
conservative religious organization, the Christian Coalition, unveiled
its Contract With the American Family.
The statement, in the works for several months, does not respond to the
coalition's 10-point document, which recommended that Congress restrict
late-term abortions and pass a proposed Religious Equality Amendment
that would permit some forms of school prayer, among other measures.
But it contains pointed criticism aimed at religious conservatives.
"The almost total identification of the religious right with the new
Republican majority in Washington is a dangerous liaison with political
power," the statement says.
It also faults religious liberals for so closely identifying with the
Democratic Party as to forsake their "moral imagination" and contribute
to the nation's political polarization.
The statement's primary authors, the Rev. Jim Wallis, the editor of
Sojourners, a bimonthly independent religious magazine, and Tony
Campolo, a sociology professor at Eastern College in St. David's, Pa.,
and founder of an educational organization for inner-city children,
described themselves as "progressive evangelicals."
Wallis said the document's signers were "not looking for a
confrontation" with the Christian Coalition.
"Civility has to be part of the approach, and compassion," Wallis
added.
He said that some of the signers had arranged meetings Tuesday with
President Clinton, Speaker Newt Gingrich and the House Minority Leader,
Richard A. Gephardt. Wallis said the group had also asked to meet with
the Christian Coalition's executive director, Ralph Reed.
Reed said he would be out of town Tuesday and so unavailable for a
meeting then. Saying he wanted to read the statement first, he added,
"I don't rule out talking with them."
"We welcome a broader dialogue," Reed said. "We can disagree without
being disagreeable." He also said, "I have never suggested that
political involvement was the sine qua non of our faith or our
witness."
Despite the statement's criticism of religious liberals, several
leaders usually identified with liberal positions signed on, including
the Rev. Paul Sherry, president of the United Church of Christ, and the
Rev. Joan Brown Campbell, general secretary of the National Council of
Churches.
The signatories included moderates and even a few theological
conservatives whose names are not often seen on such documents. Among
them were Steven Hayner, president of Inter-Varsity Christian
Fellowship, an evangelical youth organization; Millard Fuller,
president of Habitat for Humanity, and J.I. Packer, a theology
professor at Regent College in Vancouver, B.C. and a senior editor at
the magazine Christianity Today.
Also among the signers were such prominent African-American clergy as
Bishop John Hurst Adams, senior bishop of the African Methodist
Episcopal Church; the Rev. Calvin O. Butts 3rd, pastor of Abyssinian
Baptist Church in New York, and the Rev. James H. Costen, president of
Interdenominational Theological Seminary in Atlanta.
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