| John L. Sorenson in his book "An Ancient American Setting for the Book of
Mormon" discussed warfare in the Book of Mormon with that of Mesoamerica.
When Cortez crossed southern Mexico during his epic journey to Honduras,
he discovered fortifications around the Laguna de Terminos area very
similar to those Moroni erected in the first century B.C. (alma 53:1-5)
in the east coastal lowlands [according to Sorenson's model of Book of
Mormon geography] only a few score miles from Cortez's route. The Book
of Mormon describes a ditch being dug around the protected area; the
excavated earth was piled inward to form a bank. Atop it a fence of
timbers was planted and bound together with vines. That very arrangement
is now well documented archaeologically. The National Geographic
Society-Tulane University project at Becan in the center of the Yucatan
peninsula has shown the pattern to be very old. [David] Webster's
interpretation of the excavations sees a massive earthen rampart around
the center somewhere between A.D. 250 and 450, during the period when
the final Nephite wars with the Lamanites occurred. The impressive size
of this defensive construction is shown by Webster's observation that
from the top of the embankment (not counting the probable timber palisade
on top) to the bottom of the ditch the distance was nearly 35 feet. "An
enemy force caught in the bottom of the ditch would have been at the
mercy of the defenders, whose most effective weapons under the circumstances
would have been large rocks." Moreover, "the extreme width of the defense
provides additional protection, for heavy missiles can be thrown only with
great difficulty from the embankment to the outside edge of the ditch in
most places. To throw 'uphill' from the outside is almost impossible.
Defenders, possibly screened by a palisade, could have rained long-distance
missiles on approaching enemies using spear throwers and slings."(36)
Compare these statements with Alma 49:22: "But behold...[the attacking
Lamanites] were swept off the fortification by the stones and arrows which
were thrown at them." A full comparison of Mesoamerican tactics, strategy,
and defensive constructions--little as has been learned about the subject
thus far--reveals many other instructive parallels with the Book of
Mormon, most of them unsuspected only a few years ago. (pp. 261-262)
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| Continuing from Sorenson.
Other features of military life are described in the scripture. The
bows and arrows, stones and slings, javelins, darts, axes, and various
sorts of shields are well attested in documents and archaeological
remains from Mesoamerica.(37) The "thick clothing" worn defensively
by the Nephites (Alma 43:19) seems related to the suits of quilted
armor ('ichcauipilli') used by the Aztecs and their neighbors. Salt
or some other substance was placed between layers of cloth and the
combination quilted loosely. This garment could withstand a direct arrow
impact, yet it was so light and cheap that the Spaniards themselves
adopted it.(38) there were other kinds of armor as well.(39) What the
Book of Mormon calls a "cimeter" (in the modern dictionary "scimitar"),
like its namesake in Asia, was a weapon to be swung. Its smiting power
was sufficient to cut through armor (compare Alma 43:44) or to kill
at one "stroke" (verse 37). The Mesoamerican parallel would be the
weapon the Aztecs called the 'maccuahuitl', a hardwood club edged on both
sides with razor-sharp obsdidian blades. The Spaniards called this
feared weapon a "sword," said it was sharper than their own weapons, and
learned with dismay that one blow with it could cut off the head of a
horse. Bernal Diaz, among the conquering Spaniards, also reported "broad
swords" distinct from the 'maccuahuitl', but these are not elsewhere
described, as far as I know.(40) Now, a sword in normal European
terminology would have a pointed blade that would be used with a thrusting
motion. The Book of Mormon never makes clear that such a weapon was in
use by Nephites or Lamanites. Only in one case is there description of
a "sword" with any kind of point: a Nephite soldier "smote" a Lamanite
leader, accidentally scalping him; then he carefully picked up the scalp,
"laid it" on the "point" of his sword (rather than spearing it, as we
might expect), and raised it aloft (Alma 44:12-13). This odd description
fails to make clear exactly how the weapon looked. While the Book of
Mormon text leaves us unclear about the appearance and functions of the
Nephite' sword-like weapons, so do the sources on ancient Mexico and
Guatemala remain unclear about some weapons. The agreement between
scripture and outside sources seems adequate at the moment; no major
problem is apparent in reconciling the materials. (pp. 262-263)
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| Sorenson discussed the makeup of the Nephite and Mesoamerican armies.
"And behold, the ten thousand *of* Gidgiddonah had fallen,...and
Lemah had fallen with *his* ten thousand; and Gilgal had fallen with
*his* ten thousand; and Limhah had fallen with *his* ten thousand,"
(Mormon 6:13-14, emphasis Sorenson's.
Bernal Diaz used similar language regarding the organization of the
Tlascalan armies that faced Cortez. Five captains appeared on the
Battlefield, each with his ten thousand men--"Of the followers of the
old Xicotenga...there were ten thousand; of another great chief named
'Moseescaci there were another then thousand; of a third, who was called
'Chichimecatecle, there were as many more," and so on. Each group carried
its unique flag. (The tlascaltec army that opposed Cortez had a great
standard "carried" by the commander, although actually the pole was
strapped to his back.(41) We recall that Moroni, who was the chief
commander of the armies of the Nephites," took a piece of his coat,
wrote a slogan on it, "fastened it upon the end of a pole," and "went
forth among the people, waving the rent part of his garment in the air,"
as told in Alma 46:11-12). (pp. 263-264)
Sorenson discussed that the armies of the Mesoamerican captains had a special
relationship to their captain: "The warriors serving under him were
conceptualized in the kinship framework as 'sons and vassals.'"(43) He
observed that the 2000 warriors of Helaman were referred to as his "sons".
He also observed that the Lamanites, upon seeing that their chief captains
were slain, fled into the wilderness and went home, implying they felt a
special relationship of some kind to their leaders and were not willing to
fight under the command of replacement leaders. (p. 264)
Allen
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