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Conference taveng::bagels

Title:BAGELS and other things of Jewish interest
Notice:1.0 policy, 280.0 directory, 32.0 registration
Moderator:SMURF::FENSTER
Created:Mon Feb 03 1986
Last Modified:Thu Jun 05 1997
Last Successful Update:Fri Jun 06 1997
Number of topics:1524
Total number of notes:18709

1186.0. "Territorial Commentary" by SUBWAY::STEINBERG (Anacronym: an outdated acronym) Thu Mar 12 1992 19:49

    
    
    
    
    
 
    This article from US News & World Report is on the money. 
    
    Jem
    
    
    
    
---for redistribution and archive---

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Israel's Painful Choice

America has just thrown away a critical opportunity for peace in the Middle
East.  Its denial of loan guarantees until Israel stops all building of
settlements on the West Bank is more than tactical blackmail: It exposes a
cruel double standard.  Israeli settlement activity seems to rate as an
obstacle to peace, but Arab building in the region does not -- even though
the latter is estimated at some six times the rate of Israeli construction.
The Bush Administration is now more pro-Arab than any Arab.  Naturally the
Palestinian Arabs have hardened their negotiating position and the Israelis
willl surely do the same.  A stalemate looks inevitable.

A year ago, the Bush Administration, and the World, thanked Israel for its
restraint in not responding to Saddam Hussein's scud attacks.  It was a 
temporary respite.  George Bush's attack on loan guarantees for Israel last
September did huge damage, unleashing the darker forces of antisemitism in
America and setting the stage for the betrayal of the only (mature) democracy
in the region.

The Israelis are not their own best advocates.  They are often provocative.
They do not know how to show a decent enough regard for world opinion.  They
seem unable to expalin their settlement policy or security concerns.  But they
have reason to be bewildered by Bush's double standard.  Leverage and linkage
are used against Israel, but US arms and aid are given to the Arabs without
asking for moderate behaviour -- such as a suspension of the economic boycott
against Israel -- in return.

The Israelis want the settlements because they want secure borders.  Virtually
all have been built on the hilltops and high grounds of the West Bank, or to
protect the access roads to the Jordan River or along the Jordan, so that this
land cannot be used as it has been so amny times to threaten Israel's 
existence.  The present pattern of settlement blocks only one possible outcome
of the peace negotiations: exclusive Palestinian sovereignty over the 
territory, such that Israel is forced to return to the 1967 borders, with minor
modifications.  National life within those borders, of course, was dangerous:
Israel was repeatedly attacked.

Israel's fears are realistic.  Behind the smiles for the Western television
cameras, the basic Arab hostility to Israel still festers.  In a recent
conversation, Yassir Arafat characterized the Jews as "dogs...filth...dirt...
and trash. ...Damn their fathers. ...I will settle accounts in the future...
(with) the rotten Jews."  Does anyone doubt what kind of "settlement" he has
in mind?

Bush's offers to Israel are inherently unacceptable.  No self-respecting
government would accept the view that its only two choices are between 
concern for the safety of Soviet Jews today and for the security of Israeli
Jews tomorrow.  A reasonable compromise was available.  The Israelis were
prepared to complete only buildings planned or underway and cease all new
settlements.  They were also ready to limit the expansion of existing
settlements, primarily to public buildings such as schools, community halls
and social facilities; and to agree to invest all money raised with the 
looan guarantees exclusively for economic development in the areas behind
the so-called Green Line of the 1967 border.  Even this was too much for Bush
and Secretary of State James Baker, so they presented the Israelis with a 
Hobson's choice.

The real issues have as much to do with domestic policies as with foreign 
policy.  Bush seeks to respond to the attacks on foreign aid from his party's
right wing even though the money in question is not foreign aid but loan    
guarantees.  Virtually every economist testifying before Congress has said
that Israel could keep its promise to repay, and there would be no cost to 
the U.S. taxpayer.  The second thrust of the Bush policy is to try to force
the Shamir administration out of power, in the hope that the new opposition
leader Yitzchak Rabin can be elected.  Yet Rabin also supports settlements
that protect Israeli security.  The more likely outcome is that more Israelis
will rally around the Likud Party in the face of the American threat and
the perceived interference in Israeli politics.

Israel must now make its choice.  With so little to gain and so much to lose,
Israel should withdraw its loan-guarantee request.  Twenty years of U.S.
humanitarian dedication to freeing Jews from the Soviet Union ends in
ignominy and shame; and peace is set back yet again.


The foregoing is an editorial by Mortimer B. Zuckerman, Editor-in-Chief
of U.S. News and World Report, printed in the March 9, 1992 issue, p.75.

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T.RTitleUserPersonal
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1186.1The can't have their cake and eat itGOOEY::GVRIEL::SCHOELLERSchoeller - Failed XperimentTue Mar 17 1992 19:1514
I am not normally one to be overly negative about Israel's policies.  However,
this is one in which I think that Israel has been dead wrong.  If the territories
are indeed part of Israel, as the right wing would like to claim, then Israel
should get it over with and annex them, giving the residents the choice to either
become citizens or leave.  If the territories are a negotiable part of some Arab
country (possibly an independent Palestine), then Israel has no justification for
building settlements there.  In which case, all settlements should cease.

For the longest time, the Israeli government has been trying to have it both ways.
They don't want the residents as citizens but they do want the land.  It should
be no surprise that the US, which is trying to maintain friendly relations on
both sides should apply pressure on Israel on this point.

Gav
1186.2Annexation is a red herring hereSMF2::GOYKHMANTue Mar 17 1992 19:4320
    	I must disagree with .1 The territories are not either a part of
    Israel or a part of "some Arab country". Their disposition has not been
    resolved, they are legally a part of no country. Jordanian citizens as
    well as Israeli citizens live there, mostly in separate communities.
    Both segments of the population are building houses, both want
    sovereign control over the whole area in dispute.
    	Outright annexation didn't bring President Bush to treat Jerusalem
    or Golan Heights any different from Hebron or Gaza. Annexation at this
    point would only serve to increase the pressure on Israel, with the 
    origins of said pressure having nothing to do with settlements at all.
    	I think the settlements are only a fulcrum point - next would come
    Jerusalem, Golan Heights, "limited right of return", nuclear
    inspections, and so on. The list of would-be concessions Bush and Baker
    would like to extract is essentially endless. Give in now, and lose all
    of it, bit by bit. I am glad they are withdrawing the request - it's
    the Administration that looks miserly and biased now. The only worry
    is, B&B will surely continue the bloodletting with pressure on the
    "regular" aid package, media leaks, and so on.
    
    DG
1186.3GOOEY::GVRIEL::SCHOELLERSchoeller - Failed XperimentTue Mar 17 1992 19:5213
> Their disposition has not been
>    resolved, they are legally a part of no country. Jordanian citizens as

Ah, but the Likud keeps stating that they are and will remain a part of Israel.
If they really mean it, then get it over with.  If they don't and it's open for
negotiation, then what right do they have to finance settlement there?

Assuming this is still unresolved territory, the Israeli government could
legititmately allow settlement, without actively promoting it.  That is, if a
private individual or group wished to buy land and settle, great.  But no
government assistance.

Gav
1186.4The more they give in, the more pressure is appliedSMF2::GOYKHMANTue Mar 17 1992 20:0213
    	Both governments, as well as the PLO and other Arab interests
    finance settlement there. In that sense, if one side were to stop
    building unilaterally, or even to treat the area differently from the
    current status quo, the balance of contention would be disrupted.
    	In fact, that's exactly why the issue is such a big deal right now.
    Annexation itself, on the other hand, is not very meaningful, given the
    examples of Jerusalem and the Golan.
    	The point is, there is no obvious behaviour that would both serve
    Israel's goals and appease the current Administration. Sooner or later,
    you find yourself in the corner, no matter how much you fight, or try
    to cooperate, or explain yourself...
    
    DG 
1186.5 -< The more they give in, the more pressure is applied >Peace is still far away ...DSSDEV::TENENBAUMThu Mar 19 1992 19:0737
    I'd like to express my support of .4. The problem of settlements is not
    a problem of justice, balance, etc. The nature of USA/Israel relations
    seems to be fundamentally changed. After collapse of USSR and Gulf War
    the value of Israel as a necessary strategic asset for USA is greatly
    diminished. A war against Iraq did not become a war against all Arabs - 
    thanks to Egypt/Syrian support of Desert Storm.
    Egypt's and Syria's participation in war was quite essential as a political
    cover for USA. 
    Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states provided all necessary logistic 
    support and a lot of money. So, some pro-Arab tilt in USA policy was 
    - more or less - inevitable.
    
    Still, I believe that American concessions to Arab demands are wrong.
    They solve nothing - historically, in Arab/Israel conflict, the Arab
    side rejected all reasonable solutions or any proposed compromises.
    
    As far as Israel is concerned, giving up the settlement issue would lead 
    to demands to return to pre-1967 borders, including East Jerusalem. 
    
    Arab side has no real incentives to make a peace with Israel, with only
    exeption for Syria - they want to have Golans back. However, even Syria 
    can not agree on real peace, it would threaten Alawit domination in Syrian
    society.
    
    Unfortunately, too many groups in Arab world can 
    capitalize on the issue of "...selling the legitimate rights of
    Palestinians, giving up the Holy Land, etc ...".
    
    And I don't think that latest moves of USA current Adfministration 
    give Israel the feeling of confidence. Quite opposite, I'd suppose.
    I can not imagine any Israelian government which would believe now in
    any USA's garanties of Israel's security.
    
    So, a reasonable strategy for Israel looks like this : we have to fight
    anyway, no concessions can help us to avoid it, and, if so, we'd better
    fight - "...here and now ...", than - later, and, quite probably, 
    in Jerusalem.
1186.6SAINT::STCLAIRThu Mar 19 1992 20:5212
 re .2

" Jordanian citizens as
    well as Israeli citizens live there, mostly in separate communities.
    Both segments of the population are building houses, both want
    sovereign control over the whole area in dispute."

I have seen nothing in tje local press regarding your comment that
both segments are building there. Could you expand on the level of
building? Are both building programs proportionate? Has there been
U.S. aide or loan guarantees made to assist Jordan?

1186.7Joran, Saudi Arabia, PLO, Gulf states - all finance itSMF2::GOYKHMANFri Mar 20 1992 19:379
    	I've seen many references to the Arab building in the papers
    lately. I remember a figure of 600% of Jewish building in the West Bank
    currently - that's 6 times as much construction at the same time. No
    complaints are heard from the Administration, so it's not a "hot issue"
    in the media. Overall, the Arab population growth in the West Bank has
    been much much greater than the Jewish influx, from 1967 and until the
    last year or so.
    
    DG