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Title: | BAGELS and other things of Jewish interest |
Notice: | 1.0 policy, 280.0 directory, 32.0 registration |
Moderator: | SMURF::FENSTER |
|
Created: | Mon Feb 03 1986 |
Last Modified: | Thu Jun 05 1997 |
Last Successful Update: | Fri Jun 06 1997 |
Number of topics: | 1524 |
Total number of notes: | 18709 |
902.0. "Bourguiba's Peace Plan for Israel" by TAV02::FEINBERG (Don Feinberg) Tue Mar 06 1990 10:13
Bourguiba's Plan: Contain Israel
Michael Widlanski
The writer, formerly Middle East correspondent of
the U. S. Cox Newspapers, is director of the
Palestinian project at the Institute for Advanced
Strategic and Political Studies in Jerusalem.
Reprinted without permission from the "Jerusalem Post", 2 March, 1990
Twenty-five years ago, two important events occurred in the Arab
struggle against Israel: the unofficial founding of the Fatah
organaization (begun with its bombing of Israel's National Water
Carrier), and the official creation of the "Doctrine of Stages".
The second and more important event was not the result of
Arafat's Fatah or Ahmed Shukiery's PLO (whose leadership Arafat would
inherit). It was, rather, the important contribution of one of the
Arab world's great moderates: Habib Bourguiba, President of Tunisia.
Bourguiba, who had ousted French rule in Tunisia using a doctrine
of gradualism, proposed that the Arab world do the same for Israel.
The Tunisian President, in a speech in Jordanian-controlled East
Jerusalem, proposed that the Arab states accept Israel officially, if
Israel pulled back to the boundaries set forth in the UN Partition
Plan of 1947.
The Bourguiba Plan was hardly moderate. Bourguiba told his Arab
interlocutors that his aim was to contain and to reduce Israel
gradually until the Zionist entity fell apart entirely.
"Neither myself nor any other Arab leader can decide on the
method of struggle that the Palestinian people should follow in
winning liberation from a colonial regime," declared Bourguiba in a
speech in March, 1965.
"We propose our methods, not impose them," he added, trying to
fend off criticism from Arab hard-liners who said that gradual methods
would not push Israel off the map.
This idea was rejected by the Arab militants, such as Gamal
Nasser of Egypt, but years after Nasser's dreams lay in dust,
Bourguiba's idea survived.
Indeed, it got a second life in 1974 when the Palestine National
Council (PNC) of the PLO ratified the "Strategy of Stages". This PLO
plan called for setting up a Palestinian State on any part of what was
once Palestine, using it as a launching pad for the "armed struggle"
against Israel.
Page 2
The PLO's version of Bourguiba's idea was posited on the
understanding that Israel's power base would be weakened by a
reduction in it's territorial base, especially its withdrawal from
strategic high ground in the West Bank. The internal dialectic of
both ideas stressed the importance of reversing the tide, changing the
momentum -- if only a little -- against Zionism. Once the momentum
shifted against Israel, then the Arab states could try to truncate
Israel further diplomatically or militarily. Moreover, the Arab
states, once Israel was "cut down to size", could work even harder to
make Israel an even more unattractive place for prospective Jewish
immigrants while formenting Israeli Arab strife from within.
Just as Bourguiba knew that Israeli statehood would be untenable
in the boundaries of the Partition Plan, so the PLO understood that
Israel's frontiers would become less defensible once Israel was forced
out of the West Bank and Gaza.
Both Bourguiba and the PLO viewed (and view) Zionism as a dynamic
doctrine that requires an Arab version of the "Containment Doctrine.".
The next stage after containment would be reduction.
Both the Bourguiba plan and the PLO Strategy of Stages shared
many common points, especially the means at the end:
o Using a pose of moderation to attain territorial advantages by
diplomacy nor gained by war;
o Aiming for the ultimate liquidation of Israel by stages.
Both Bourguiba and the PLO also won the coveted title of
"moderates" from some well-meaning but ignorant Western observers, and
they both shared several philosophical antecedents.
In the early 1950s, Britain's Anthony Eden actually tried to
encourage Israel to consider Egypt's proposal to give up the Negev to
Arab rule so the Arabs could have a direct land-bridge from Egypt to
Jordan, i. e., from the Asian part of the Arab world to the African
part. Unspoken was the strategic logic of further strangling Israel.
A still earlier antecedent of the Bourguiba-PLO strategy was
strategy employed by Saladin in 1192, accepting a "truce" with the
Crusaders only to violate is and to oust them thereafter -- first from
the high ground , and then from the coastal ports.
When Yasser Arafat offers "peace" to Israel, he explains to his
Arab audiences that he means the "peace of Saladin".
But the real copyright on the strategy of seeming moderation was
Islam's prophet Mohammed himself. He made a 10-year treaty with the
Jews of Mecca -- known as the Treaty of Hudaibiya (628), later
violated it, and swept the Jews from Arabia, expelling two Jewish
tribes, and slaughtering the third (Banu Quraida).
Page 3
Mohammed's victory over the Arabian Jews has shaped many Arab
attitudes towards "foreign presence" in the "Dar al-Islam" (House of
Islam), especially when foreigners are represented by Jewish
statehood. Jews may live as citizens under Arab sovereignty, but
Jewish paramountcy may not be tolerated -- just as a synagogue may not
be taller than a mosque.
One of the sites of the massacre of Arabian Jews was a place
called Khaybar. It is no accident that more than one of the pamphlets
released during the intifada included the phrase "Remember Khaybar."
As we remember Habib Bourguiba and his seminal contribution to
Arab strategic thought, we should also remember "Khaybar" as well as
the "Peace of Saladin."
This does not mean that peace with Arab states and with
Palestinian Arabs should not be sought by Israel.
Peace should be sought, has to be sought, but Israeli
policymakers and Western observers have to distinguish between peace
sought by Arabs for the sake of peace versus peace sought by Arabs
only as a "truce" (salaam) to be repealed when there is a chance for
final victory over the Jew still pictured as modern variant of the
Christian crusader or the old Arabian Jew.
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