T.R | Title | User | Personal Name | Date | Lines |
---|
1579.1 | ? | ESSC::KMANNERINGS | | Thu May 30 1996 09:51 | 6 |
1579.2 | | METSYS::THOMPSON | | Thu May 30 1996 14:41 | 16 |
|
Slight tangent to this ... what's all this I hear that they don't
know where the elected body will sit?
This is reported to be the source of much humor locally? People have
started to make suggestions as to where it might be:
o On a boat that drifts around the coast?
o Sports center's?
o In a closed Jail? (was it "Crumlin" Road suggested, as "a lot of the
delegates would feel at home there!")
It doesn't sound as though an awful lot of thought has gone into this!
M
|
1579.3 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Fri May 31 1996 06:50 | 63 |
| RTw 05/30 1906 Last-minute surge boosts Northern Irish vote
By Maggie Fox
BELFAST, May 31 (Reuter) - A late surge in voting pushed turnout to
about 60 percent in Northern Ireland elections to choose negotiators to
debate the troubled province's future, but many people were cynical
about the outcome.
The vote was held to elect a 110-member forum to discuss issues in the
British-rule province in a general way. Those elected will also provide
a pool for all-party peace talks due to start on June 10.
But confusion over what the poll meant, combined with cold rain and
gales, kept many voters away. Officials estimated that only up to 60
percent of those registered turned out, with most voting during the
final hours of balloting.
"This is an extremely important day for Northern Ireland," said David
Trimble, head of the pro-British Ulster Unionist Party and the
politician who pressed hardest for the vote.
The Unionists hoped that the results would demonstrate their strength
in the province, where mostly pro-British Protestants outnumber
predominantly Catholic Irish republicans by a ratio of six to four.
But many people who braved the rain to vote said they doubted whether
the peace forum would bring any changes to a province torn apart by 25
years of guerrilla warfare.
"You have to vote. You have to have a choice," said one young man on
his way to a polling station in West Belfast's Shankill Road district.
"But I think it's a waste of time."
Gerry Adams, leader of the Irish Republican Army's Sinn Fein political
wing, opposed the election at first but then embraced it as a chance to
argue that his party had a legal mandate to take part in all-party
talks.
"If we get any talks we will be at the talks," he said on Thursday.
Britain says Sinn Fein, which wants to unite Northern Ireland with the
Irish republic, cannot take part in the talks unless the IRA restores a
ceasefire shattered with a series of bomb attacks in London starting in
February.
Officials will not start counting the votes until Friday morning. Pat
Bradley, the province's chief electoral officer, said he expected the
first results by about lunchtime and a final result by early evening.
A complex formula decides who gets into the forum, a discussion
assembly with no lawmaking powers and due to last only one year. The
top 10 parties at the forum will also have seats at the peace talks.
Politicians and academic analysts predicted that the four established
Unionist and Irish nationalist parties would win the most seats,
reinforcing Northern Ireland's divided society.
REUTER
(Kevin, don't be silly)
|
1579.4 | The Delegates | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Mon Jun 03 1996 09:32 | 15 |
| The Final state of the parties after the 18 constituency results.
Political Party Number of Seats
===================================================
Ulster Unionist Party 30
Democratic Unionist Party 24
Social Democratic and Labour Party 21
Sinn Fein 17
Alliance 7
UK Unionist Party 3
Progressive Unionist Party 2
The Ulster Democratic Party 2
Labour 2
Northern Ireland Women's Coalition 2
|
1579.5 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Mon Jun 03 1996 11:22 | 26 |
| The fact that Sinn fein obtained 15% of the electorial vote is quite
interesting. The most they have ever polled is 12.8% and that was
around the time of the hunger strikes. It is quite obvious that a peace
table without the presence of Sinn Fein will not be just a farce. It is
also quite obvious that the Unionists, who hold the majority of seats,
will not sit at the same table as Sinn Fein untill the IRA reinstate
the ceasefire. It goes without saying that a peace conference without
the Unionists will also be a farce.
So what is to be done. It is quite probable that the hard-line republican
element will resist a ceasefire, using instead Sinn Fein's election results
as a wedge to open the doors to the peace table; the success of which
would be a massive properganderal victory for their cause.
But lets be realistic, does anyone who really wants peace, believe that
the Unionists would accept such a scenario - even if the governments of
Great Britain and Republic of Ireland were too ?
I think that it would be more in the interests of the IRA to call a
ceasefire now, thus proving that they are indeed commited to peace and
that they also have a fairly substantial ammount of support for their
ideals. They would be foolish to allow such a recognition to be lost an
drowned in the traditional rhetoric and quagmire we have become used
to.
Shaun.
|
1579.6 | Will Mitchel Please take the chair | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Wed Jun 05 1996 09:05 | 55 |
| AP 4-Jun-1996 21:24 EDT REF5966
Copyright 1996. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
British, Irish Debate US Role
LONDON (AP) -- British and Irish officials discussed a U.S. role in
Northern Ireland peace negotiations, but refused to say early Wednesday
whether former U.S. Sen. George Mitchell would open the talks.
Sir Patrick Mayhew, Britain's minister responsible for Northern
Ireland, concluded a meeting with Irish Foreign Minister Dick Spring
early Wednesday morning, saying they expected a decision soon.
"I feel confident that we have made the steps that we needed to do," he
said.
The Irish Republican Army has been waging a decades-long fight to drive
the British out of Northern Ireland.
The peace talks aim to strike a compromise between a Protestant
majority determined to preserve Northern Ireland's union with Britain
and Roman Catholics resolved to unify the province with the rest of
Ireland.
The two governments have sparred behind closed doors for weeks about
the format of the talks and the role Mitchell, who led a commission
earlier this year into resolving a negotiations deadlock, will play.
Ireland thinks Mitchell's central involvement would encourage the Sinn
Fein, the political arm of the IRA, to call a new cease-fire and enter
the negotiations.
Late Monday, the IRA said the prospect of a new truce was "extremely
remote."
As things stand, Britain and Ireland intend to bar Sinn Fein because
the IRA broke its 17-month cease-fire on Feb. 9 with a massive truck
bomb in London's Docklands that killed two.
Mitchell's January report, commissioned by both governments, said all
parties should renounce violence at the start of negotiations and
opposing paramilitary groups should begin disarming during the talks.
That recommendation flew in the face of the long held British demand
that the IRA destroy or discard some weaponry in advance of multiparty
negotiations.
And Protestant leaders branded the former Senate majority leader as
biased.
"I object to any emissary of the United States government having any
chairmanships whatsoever in what is an internal affair," the Rev. Ian
Paisley, leader of the hard-line Democratic Unionist Party, said after
meeting Prime Minister John Major earlier Tuesday.
|
1579.7 | | TERRI::SIMON | Semper in Excernere | Thu Jun 06 1996 05:20 | 14 |
| NORTHERN IRELAND
News that the IRA will never hand over any of its weapons until a final
settlement has been reached to the Northern Irish question has dented
the prospects for forthcoming all-party talks. Meanwhile, preparations
by the British and Irish governments for the June 10 talks have also
suffered a setback, with each side accusing the other of reneging on
assurances given regarding an agenda for the negotiations.
All papers, London. 6th June 1996
Which just goes to show that the IRA doesn't want peace.
Simon
|
1579.8 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Thu Jun 06 1996 07:25 | 59 |
| RTw 06/05 1926 Britain, Ireland edge closer on peace talks
By Paul Majendie
LONDON, June 5 (Reuter) - Britain and Ireland are close to agreeing a
formula for all-party talks on Northern Ireland -- but the IRA has
dashed hopes for peace.
The guerrilla group, which has battled for 25 years to oust Britain
from the province, has refused to hand over any of its weapons and
warned that the chance of a new ceasefire was extremely remote.
Casting the shadow of the gunman once more over the elusive peace
process, the Irish Republican Army issued a hardline statement as
London and Dublin battled to end the political deadlock in the run-up
to next Monday's all-party talks.
British officials said Prime Minister John Major and his Irish
counterpart John Bruton had a 20-minute phone conversation on Wednesday
evening that was "good, positive, warm and friendly."
Officials on both sides of the Irish Sea stressed that the two were now
close to agreement on a format for the talks "with just a few loose
ends to tie up."
Sinn Fein, the IRA's political wing, has been excluded from next week's
talks until the guerrilla group resumes the ceasefire that was
shattered in February with a string of bomb attacks across London.
But the IRA has refused to budge an inch in the leadup to the all-party
talks that officials hope will bring a long-awaited breakthrough after
months of disappointment.
"The likelihood of any IRA ceasefire is remote in the extreme," a
senior IRA source told the BBC in Belfast.
"The IRA will not be decommissioning its weapons through either the
front or the back doors," the source warned.
Leading Protestant Unionist politician Ken Maginnis, who wants to
maintain links with Britain, said of the IRA's uncompromising
statement: "What the IRA is doing is using their weapons to threaten
society."
London and Dublin had hoped to reach an agreement on procedures,
including the involvement of former U.S. Senator George Mitchell, that
would have persuaded the IRA to call another truce and get Sinn Fein to
the negotiating table.
Mitchell, adviser to U.S. President Bill Clinton, headed a three-man
international commission that advised the Irish and British governments
on the thorny issue of how to disarm rival guerrilla groups on both
sides of the sectarian divide.
But fiery Protestant preacher-politician Ian Paisley, a passionate
supporter of continued ties with Britain, has condemned Mitchell as "a
crony" of Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams.
REUTER
|
1579.9 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Thu Jun 06 1996 07:35 | 24 |
| When the ceasefire was first called, everyone felt relieved. The
public felt that the IRA had made an extraordinary effort for peace,
they were hopefull that this effort would be maintained throughout the
slow process of negociations.
When the IRA abandoned their ceasefire, the public felt that it was a
cynical act indeed, especially as the decision to resume a violent
terrorist campaigne in England, against english civilians, was taken
before the Mitchel report had even started.
Yet still the British and Irish governments made ways through the
quagmire of NI politics for Sinn Fein, the political side of the IRA,
to sit at the peace table. The public were becoming less tolerant.
Now the IRA has spat back into the faces of those that have moved
mountains in order to find peace, it has spat back into the faces of
the public which it taunted with peace only seven months ago, it has
spat back in the faces of American and European dignatorys that have
made such an effort to listen to their frustrations, it has spat back
into the very face of peace.....and the public are getting angry.
The IRA are 'taking the piss'!!!
Shaun.
|
1579.10 | | CHEFS::COOPERT1 | tell mum before you go somewhere | Thu Jun 06 1996 07:39 | 7 |
| I don't actually see what the I.R.A. are trying to prove.
THey are making themselves look more and more ridiculous every passing
day.
CHARLEY
|
1579.11 | | SYSTEM::BENNETT | Straight no chaser.. | Thu Jun 06 1996 07:53 | 3 |
| I agree with you CHARLEY.
John
|
1579.12 | it is complicated | ESSC::KMANNERINGS | | Thu Jun 06 1996 19:05 | 44 |
| On the subject of guessing what will happen at the peace talks, what
the IRA will do etc.
The best guide we have to this is Sunningdale and the aftermath. At
that time (1974? I am writing this from memory) Ted Heath managed to
get Hume, Fitt, and Faulkner to agree to powersharing in a NI Assembly.
A council of Ireland was being discussed and Dublin were to have more
of a "say" in things. I remember Brian Faulkner sang Galway Bay (the
Bing Crosby version) to Gerry Fitt on a bus going to Stormount.
Then out of the blue there was a general election in the UKOGBANI,
Harold Wilson scraped in against Heath, there was a loyalist strike
which enjoyed remarkable support from organs of the State, Paisley
moved loyalists in significant numbers on the streets and the power
sharing executive collapsed. Brian Faulkner fell of his horse and broke
his neck, the same death as King Billy, and things drifted along until
Mrs T arrived on the scene and went over to a not-an-inch policy which
ended in tears and scotch whisky when she was dumped by the tories.
John Hume remembers Sunningdale very well, he is one of the few
survivors of that round, indeed I can't think of any other major figure
who were around then apart from him and John Taylor who is there still.
At the time the Sunningdale Agreement was a big surprise. The whole
thing split the Unionists, Faulkner was hated in his own party and
there were constant attempts to heave him. The funny thing is Faulkner
had himself wormed his way to the Unionist leadership by playing
hardline to the right of O'Neil, a former leader. So one thing I expect
is a split in the Unionist camp again, between those who want to do a
deal and those who don't. The deciding factor is whether Paisley can
mobilise sufficient sectarian militancy or not. I don't think so, not
least because the British Establishment has had enough of NI and Mrs
T's policies. He will be faced down. But then who knows. The joker is
the next election in the UKOGBANI. Looking back, one funny thing was
that Ted Heath wanted to stay in power by forming a coalition with
Jeremy Thorpe's Liberals. We now know that Thorpe was open to blackmail
and withdrew from Government inexplicably. There have been some hints
that MI5 were involved in blackmailing him because of his sexual
affairs. At that time 'homosexuality' was even more taboo than today.
So we might have been spared Lady Macbeth's disaster and 15 years of
horror.
There will be lots more twists and turns. I'll come back to the IRA
question later.
Kevin
|
1579.13 | more physical force? | ESSC::KMANNERINGS | | Thu Jun 06 1996 20:42 | 53 |
| Guessing what the IRA will do is difficult. I would expect them to
split too, they have done often enough in the past. The lines of the
split are already defined, with Rory O'Brady's Republican Sinn Fein
taking the hard line, opposed to the ceasefire and calling for complete
British withdrawal from NI and all Brit interference.
There are a number of complicating factors though. Gerry Adams is a
very learned student of Republican history and is fully aware of what a
split will mean and the pressures which cause it. So he will not lean
on the hard-liners to get a ceasefire and a deal which does not fulfil
the sacred aim of a 32 county Republic as per the 1916 declaration. On
the other hand he understands the hopelessness of the position of the
prisoners, and the futility of sending the likes of Ed O'brien onto a
London bus. He sees himself as a vitim of political circumstances and
takes a fatalistic view of how things will develop. So he likes
hobnobbing in Washington and reaping the political benefits, but he
shrugs his sholders and puts on his injured "how can you do this to such
a decent ordinary democrat who is only trying to represent the 111000
people who elected me ?" number when he gets the shove. So Adams is not
going to put all his chips down on a ceasefire and a deal. His main
concern is not to split the movement, and if a few beatings and
killings happen on the way, well it is hard isn't it, but we have been
through hard times and we know how to suffer.
What about the hardliners within the PIRA ? I suspect there are two
lines of thought. One says enough is enough. Give Gerry a chance and we
will see what comes out of it. No decommissioning. No ceasefire at
London's bidding, but no more bombs. Let the talks muddle on, and we
shall see. The other line goes for the Algeria model, which is the
nearest modern parallel to NI. Never mind of course, the state of
Algeria today, the point is the French Empire eventually packed its
bags, although at first de Gaulle took a really hard line in spite of
the most ruthless terror. So what we need boys, is one last heave. A
few more Canary Wharf's and we will really sicken them. We have a few
more heroes lined up, we know how to do it, let us bide our time and
then go at it when the moment is right. Which of these lines wins is
very much a matter of emotion. If for some reason the central council
feel that the Brits are double dealing, then we shall have another
Hammersmith Bridge job. If there is some sign of movement, then it is
called off. As Dick Spring said, you can't go into peace negotiations
with a 1000 lb bomb parked in a lorry outside, but that is where they
are at right now.
In that scenario the two governments will negotiate a settlement which
will do a lot to satisfy nationalists and then organise the mother of
all crackdowns on the IRA. It may take around another 7 years and there
will be plenty of horror on the way. The result will leave a nasty
taste and noone will be really happy with it. By nature I am an
optimist, and I believe that the nutcase wing of the IRA can be
defeated, but it is a political task and at present there are only
small signs of class politics emerging to cross the sectarian divide.
That can change though.
Kevin
|
1579.14 | | FUTURS::GIDDINGS_D | Pull that chain | Fri Jun 07 1996 05:58 | 149 |
| Philip Stephens: Ireland's two faces
Financial Times
Friday June 7 1996
Two images of Ireland have impinged on our
consciousness these past few days. President
Mary Robinson has shown us the relaxed,
self-confident, face of the modern Irish
Republic. In Gerry Adams, the Sinn F�in
president, we have seen once again the mean,
pinched features of Irish republicanism. It is
tempting to pass over the pomp and ceremony
accompanying the first official visit to Britain of an Irish
head of state. These are dark times. The IRA has refused a
restoration of the ceasefire which not so long ago raised
hopes of permanent peace in Northern Ireland. The talks so
carefully designed to cement republicanism's conversion to
constitutional politics will start in Belfast next week
without Sinn F�in.
Taking lunch with John Major in 10 Downing Street and with
the Queen in Buckingham Palace, Mrs Robinson has
eschewed comment on such matters. Like the British
monarch, she is constitutionally obliged to stand back from
the everyday trials of government. But we should not allow
the significance of Mrs Robinson to be lost in the symbolism
of her visit.
The IRA cannot be defeated by military might. It has
bombed and murdered for the last quarter of a century. In
narrow, military, terms it is as strong as ever. The
contortions and compromises made by Mr Major's
government during the past two years have recognised that
reality. But nor can the IRA win. Its commanders still talk
of defeating the British state. But Mr Adams's chums cannot
overcome the unionist majority in Northern Ireland.
Mrs Robinson reminds us there are still more powerful
forces at work, that time stands against the IRA. The
President of the Republic represents a future which will see
violent republicanism stranded by the tides of history. It
will not happen quickly, but it has already started.
The 52-year-old former law professor is the most popular
head of state Ireland has ever had. At 90 per cent plus, her
approval ratings are consistently higher than those of the
British monarch. She is also a different type of president.
Hitherto, Aras an Uachtar�in, the presidential residence in
Dublin's Phoenix Park, has been a retirement home after a
successful political career. During her six years, Mrs
Robinson has re-invented her office, using it to articulate
and promote Ireland's new self-image.
A liberal, left-leaning feminist, her own background is
integral to the process. She was brought up in the boglands
of County Mayo. It is beautiful country, as rural as any in
Ireland. It is also a bastion of Catholic traditionalism. Yet
Mrs Robinson married a protestant. And, when she decided
to enter politics, she chose the country's small Labour party
over its two mainstream rivals.
There have been important breaks with convention in her
approach to Anglo-Irish relations. Her predecessors rarely
set foot in Britain. Though this was her first official
visit to London, Mrs Robinson has made a point of making
friends and building contacts during past, private, trips.
Save for the
timidity of the Whitehall establishment, she might have
broken another taboo this week by addressing both houses
of parliament. She has played host to several members of
the royal family, and is eager for the Queen to become the
first British monarch to visit Dublin since George V in 1913.
There is more to this than symbolism. Reconciliation with
the past oppressor is part of a sense of Irishness which no
longer relies on Britain. Unlike the English, the Irish have
become enthusiastic Europeans. A successful economy
and a cultural renaissance have reawakened national
self-confidence. The Irish diaspora, numbering some 70m
worldwide, is viewed now as a symbol of strength rather
than of weakness. Thus Irishness is defined not by some
arbitrary territorial boundary but by its culture and its
values.
This is a concept of nationhood entirely alien to Mr Adams.
As Mrs Robinson remarked this week, it recognises the
right of unionists in the north to consider themselves
British rather than Irish. It is tolerant and inclusive
where Sinn F�in is mean and sectarian. It is Ireland's
future rather than its past.
Watching his response to the latest agreement between the
London and Dublin governments, it is clear that the Sinn
F�in president understands none of this. Among his military
bosses in the IRA, he no doubt stands out as rather a
progressive figure. Mr Adams, of course, now claims that
his organisation is distinct from the IRA. That is palpable
nonsense. The two organisations are indivisible. He
trumpets the fact that Sinn F�in secured 15 per cent of the
votes for the Northern Ireland forum which provides the
basis for next week's talks. He demands a seat at the table
on the basis of that "mandate". No matter that his party's
candidates included several of the IRA's military
strategists. Sinn F�in knew the rules before the elections
were held. Dublin is as insistent as London that it cannot
bring its Armalites to the negotiations.
For all that, I am not among those who believe that the two
governments should abandon all hope even before the talks
start. In spite of its defiance in recent days, there
appears to
be a curious standoff within the IRA. Mr Adams cannot
secure a ceasefire. And there are whispers in the
intelligence services of plans for another bombing
"spectacular" in London. But the IRA is divided, and seems
reluctant to relaunch full-scale hostilities. Perhaps, just
perhaps, it has decided to wait and see.
In such circumstances, talks without Sinn F�in are better
than paralysis. The ground rules now set out by the two
governments are full of the obfuscation which has always
been demanded by the tribal politics of Northern Ireland. But
they represent a workable compromise. And George
Mitchell, the former US senator, is a good choice as an
independent arbiter.
No doubt the unionist parties will claim that further
concessions have been offered to Mr Adams. But they too
have missed the changes in the Republic. The principle that
Northern Ireland's constitutional position can be altered
only
on the basis of consent is now as entrenched in Irish as in
British thinking. And were the IRA to put aside its weapons,
Sinn F�in would enter the negotiations on a level playing
field. The linguistic contortions in Anglo-Irish statements
have always been inelegant but, if they save some lives,
there can be no harm in that.
A few years ago, before the IRA ceasefire, Mrs Robinson
took a political risk and shook hands with Mr Adams. She
was much criticised at the time. I suspect she would repeat
the gesture now if she thought it would advance the cause of
peace. The president can afford to be generous. The future
lies in her vision of Ireland. Mr Adams has too long been
fighting yesterday's war with the British to understand that
simple truth.
|
1579.15 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Fri Jun 07 1996 07:27 | 14 |
| What a brilliant article! The general thinking certainly is along the
same lines of most of my Irish friends....if only those embitted by
sectarianism could like so open their eyes.
Last night on Spotlight, a NI news program, the BBC named 6 of the most
influential people at the heart of the IRA - the IRA think tank - some
of which have been elected to the peace forum. Amongst others, noth Gerry
Kelly and Martin McGuiness names were mentioned. I'm trying to get the
complete list but the web is playing up.
It is quite apparent to all but the stupid that Sinn Fein and the IRA
are very close blood brothers.
Shaun.
|
1579.16 | Mr Mitchell Returns | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Fri Jun 07 1996 07:27 | 75 |
| RTw 06/06 1642 Mitchell turns his skills again to N.Ireland
LONDON, June 6 (Reuter) - Former U.S. senator George Mitchell, given
the task of mediating in Northern Ireland for a second time, brings to
the role finely honed political instincts and the analytical skills of
a former federal judge.
Britain and Ireland announced on Thursday that Mitchell would chair
tricky all-party peace talks beginning on Monday on the future of the
British-ruled province.
He was first brought in last year to try to break a deadlock over the
"decommissioning" of weapons used in a 25-year war between pro-Irish
nationalist guerrillas and pro-British loyalist gunmen.
Mitchell, a Democrat who became his party's leader in the U.S. Senate
in 1988, is the epitome of an American success story.
He was born in Waterville, Maine, on August 20, 1933, the fourth son of
a janitor of Irish descent and his Lebanese immigrant wife.
A man who put principle before ambition, he was once thought a likely
candidate for the U.S. Supreme Court, but declined the job because it
would have interfered with a political quest close to his heart --
reform of the American health system.
For all Mitchell's skills, the news that he was to chair the Northern
Ireland talks drew a hostile reaction from pro-British Protestant
leaders in the province.
Ian Paisley, the fiery leader of the Democratic Unionist Party which
has three seats in the British parliament, called the appointment
"outrageous."
The Protestants believe that Washington is sympathetic to Sinn Fein,
the political wing of the Irish Republican Army, and its desire to
unite the province with the Irish republic. Furthermore, they note that
Mitchell is a Catholic.
Mitchell is said to have a calm nature, great determination and to be
highly methodical. He worked as an insurance adjuster while studying at
college and then law school.
He progressed from military service into state politics before becoming
a federal judge and he was appointed to the Senate in 1980 when Senator
Edmund Muskie resigned to run for president.
Only eight years later, the Democrats chose him as their majority
leader, a post that demands long hours and an ability to steer
legislation through arcane Senate rules and around the egos of 99
independent-minded colleagues.
During much of his leadership Mitchell battled Republican President
George Bush on issues such as China policy, taxes and the Gulf War.
Though he may not always have won, he invariably showed himself a tough
advocate and political fighter.
He skilfully shepherded through the Senate a major clean air bill and
many other measures relating to health and other human services.
His report on decommissioning published in January was a compromise
that allowed for a handover of weapons while talks were underway. At
the same time, it pledged the parties to the talks to non-violence.
In private, Mitchell's manner is judicious and courteous. He often
frustrated Senate reporters with his skill at fending off questions.
But his dignified, calm demeanor could be cast aside when he addressed
the Senate on issues close to his heart.
Once tipped as a possible new baseball commissioner -- he is an avid
fan of the Boston Red Sox -- he instead joined a Washington law firm
after completing his Senate term last January. He also married for a
second time.
REUTER
|
1579.17 | | PLAYER::BROWNL | Cyclops no more! | Fri Jun 07 1996 08:00 | 11 |
| RE: .14
Excellent article, and it mirrors the mood and talking I get from
family and friends in the Republic.
The Irish Government thinks the IRA should call a ceasefire; the US
Government thinks the IRA should call a ceasefire, and the British
Government thinks that the IRA should call a ceasefire. IRA
sympathisers, Sinn Fein, and the IRA don't. Which is correct?
Laurie.
|
1579.18 | | METSYS::THOMPSON | | Fri Jun 07 1996 08:08 | 16 |
|
> The Protestants believe that Washington is sympathetic to Sinn Fein,
> the political wing of the Irish Republican Army, and its desire to
> unite the province with the Irish republic. Furthermore, they note that
> Mitchell is a Catholic.
I don't think "Washington" is at all sympathetic to Sinn Fein. However
they probably do relate this to their own struggle for independence. So
it looks like it from some perspectives.
> Mitchell is a Catholic
Isn't John Major as well?
M
|
1579.19 | | CHEFS::COOPERT1 | tell mum before you go somewhere | Fri Jun 07 1996 09:32 | 7 |
| .14.
Superb article, again like Shaun it mirrors the thoughts of all of my
Irish friends. It is time to leave the hatred behind.
CHARLEY
|
1579.20 | | IRNBRU::HOWARD | Lovely Day for a Guinness | Wed Jun 12 1996 04:51 | 7 |
| the latest news is that the UUP has accepted Mitchell as chairman and
Paisley is accusing David Trimble of treason and stabbing loyalism in
the back and other such helpful language. One BBC commentator suggested
last night that if the unionists accept Mitchell then the IRA would
announce a new ceasefire....
Ray....
|
1579.21 | | CHEFS::COOPERT1 | tell mum before you go somewhere | Wed Jun 12 1996 06:26 | 5 |
| Are they still arguing over what type of mineral water to have at the
table?
CHARLEY
|
1579.22 | The Ice Coolade Green Knicker Test.. | METSYS::BENNETT | Straight no chaser.. | Wed Jun 12 1996 07:36 | 16 |
| A colleague here remarked that it would probably not be sensible
for any party at the talks to admit to having ever enjoyed a pint
of Guinness.
Add to that, the wearing of any green items of clothing, sympathy with
any Green political issues, use of the words, "republican" or "Republic"
in the name of any association to which they have belonged, any penchant
for mowing the lawn, or affection for one of Tom Jones' better known hits,
"The Green Green Grass of Home".
In other words, this round is doomed to the same fate as any other in
my living memory..
Anybody taking wagers?
John
|
1579.23 | its mad | EASE::KEYES | Waiting for an alibi | Wed Jun 12 1996 07:48 | 11 |
|
..pretty sad ok...can you imagine what its going to be like if they
ever get to deciding what will be on the agenda for actual discussions.
This isn't going to work..Already you have parties making plays for ways
to get out of the talks...we are only 3 weeks from marching season
time..show time for the headers........an Imposed solution looks
a possibility....
|
1579.24 | | CHEFS::COOPERT1 | tell mum before you go somewhere | Wed Jun 12 1996 08:12 | 93 |
| UK News Electronic Telegraph Wednesday June 12 1996
Negotiations grind to a halt over Mitchell
Bruton toughens line on Sinn Fein
Mechanic is charged over Docklands blast
ALL-PARTY talks on the future of Northern Ireland edged closer to a
crisis last night as Unionist protests against the appointment of
George Mitchell as chairman caused the negotiations to grind to a halt
amid acrimony for a second day.
The nine parties managed just 10 minutes around the table before they
adjourned for bi-lateral meetings. Mr Mitchell, a former US senator,
remained in an ante-room for more than nine hours.
As the arguments continued in Belfast, Downing Street stressed that Mr
Major remained committed to supporting Mr Mitchell. "These are very
early days and there will be bumpy passages through the negotiations,"
said one source. "The important thing is to carry on talking and get
through them."
Later, Mr Major attempted to calm Unionist anger by appearing to harden
slightly the terms on which Sinn Fein might be admitted to the talks.
Speaking at Prime Minister's Question Time, he said an "unconditional
ceasefire" by the IRA was needed to allow Sinn Fein entry to the
negotiations. Previously the Government has called only for a
restoration of the 17-month ceasefire.
At the talks, Irish officials applied concerted pressure on the
Unionists to accept Mr Mitchell as chairman. But Ian Paisley, leader of
the hard-line Democratic Unionist Party, retaliated by saying: "A
minister for the Irish Republic approached one of the delegates and
conveyed to him that the Unionists would have to accept George Mitchell
or there would be bodies in the street." He added that he had made a
protest to Sir Patrick Mayhew, the Northern Ireland Secretary. "The
long hand of the IRA and its bloody shadow is not going to rest on
these talks," he said.
After the opening speeches, the two governments were determined to move
forward into substantial negotiations and proposed the former American
senator be allowed to take the chair while a sub-committee discussed
his role. But the three main Unionist leaders - David Trimble, Ian
Paisley and Robert McCartney - objected to this, arguing that the
chairman's terms of reference and details of the agenda should be
settled before anybody was appointed.
A "compromise" plan put forward by the Ulster Unionists was rejected by
the Irish government and the nationalist Social and Democratic Labour
Party
The powers given to the chairman by the two governments and Mr
Mitchell's appointment have the support of the six other parties in the
talks. Government sources said much rested on Mr Trimble, who said he
has reserved his position on Mr Mitchell until the former senator's
powers had been defined. One source said: "If [Mr Trimble] takes the
same hard line as Mr Paisley the outlook is very bleak."
Sinn Fein delegates again attempted to gain entry to the talks but
confined their protest to a brief play by a street theatre group
outside the gates of Stormont and in front of the cameras.
Unionist opposition to Mr Mitchell centres on his background and the
wide-ranging powers given to him by the two governments. One Unionist
delegate said: "He's an Irish-American with republican sympathies who
is determined to push through his own ideas. "There is no way he can be
impartial. He signed a letter backing a visa for Gerry Adams in
February 1994 even before there was a ceasefire. Dublin and London is
using him as a carrot to get Sinn Fein/IRA into the talks."
Mr Mitchell is said to have come close to losing his temper during one
of his bi-lateral meetings with Unionists. A "compromise" plan put
forward by the Ulster Unionists was rejected by the Irish government
and the nationalist Social and Democratic Labour Party. "The plan would
have completely emasculated the chairman's role," said an Irish
government source.
Dick Spring, the Irish foreign minister, had been due to fly to America
at 11am but cancelled his flight and remained at the talks. Mr Trimble
said: "We put forward proposals that we thought would break the
deadlock. The delay is unnecessary. We still have significant hope
those proposals will be accepted."
Gary McMichael, leader of the Ulster Democratic Party, said he was
"very disappointed" by Mr Paisley's attempts to "sabotage" the talks
and criticised Mr Trimble for supporting him. Joe Hendron, of the SDLP,
said: "We are sticking to the ground rules and agenda drawn up by the
two governments and are not deviating from that at all."
|
1579.25 | In the interests of accuracy.. | METSYS::BENNETT | Straight no chaser.. | Wed Jun 12 1996 08:21 | 9 |
| I have to take (editorial) issue with many of the UK's newspapers
here who have persisted in referring to the talks as "all-party".
They are not.
So far, they can be described accurately, and only as "multi-party"
talks.
John
|
1579.26 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Wed Jun 12 1996 09:35 | 4 |
| Personaly I think Paisly deserves to be shot and Trimble needs a good
knock on the head.
Shaun,
|
1579.27 | n | EASE::KEYES | Waiting for an alibi | Wed Jun 12 1996 11:16 | 12 |
|
shaun...
..Now now...Can't be shooting anybody any more -) -) -).....
I would say nobody takes paisley serious..except for the fact that he
got such a large vote..Same with Trimble...Somebody mentioned on radio
recently that decommisioning mindsets was a bigger priority than
physical weapons in this whole process..had a point..
Mick
|
1579.28 | | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Wed Jun 12 1996 11:42 | 19 |
| I just get so annoyed with the unintelligent squabbling from both sides
of the divide. On one have we have Sinn Fein saying "No, we're not the
IRA really and we are totaly commited to peace...." and on the other we
have the Right Wing Unionists saying "trachery, treason and toilets...
we're british but we don't know why, probably cos we just don't want to
be part of Eire"
I'm sick to the death of both of them...can't we just chuck'em both in
a mental home and let John Hume sort everything out!
I've really had enough of NI. The brits don't want it...we just want
out - i'm getting to the point where i'll be happy to pull out and let
the whole place descend into a sectarian blood bath...that'll sort it
out once and for all.
Yet any democratic being can't allow that to happen so we stay and we
get abused......what a crappy situation.
Shaun.
|
1579.29 | | METSYS::THOMPSON | | Wed Jun 12 1996 14:00 | 19 |
|
Well I'm a bit more optimistic than that.
As of this morning, Mitchell was accepted as the chair, thanks to Trimble.
Paisley will refuse to be in the same room as Mitchell - BUT he will not
walk out of the talks.
There already is an agenda, Patrick Mayhew has faxed one to everybody (according
to Trimble).
On the agenda is the Sovereignty or Ireland. Trimble and Paisley know this
and have not walked out.
SF think the British Govt. have no right to dictate things at this meeting
and both UUP and DUP firmly agree with them.
So far, these talks seem to have potential.
M
|
1579.30 | One pace forward....? | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Thu Jun 13 1996 03:50 | 88 |
| AP 12-Jun-1996 21:25 EDT REF6067
Copyright 1996. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
NIreland Resumes Peace Talks
By SHAWN POGATCHNIK
BELFAST, Northern Ireland (AP) -- Bad blood and belligerence have
marked the first three days of peace talks in Northern Ireland -- and
supporters of the IRA haven't even been admitted to the negotiations.
The British and Irish governments Wednesday won their fight to keep the
talks alive with U.S. envoy George Mitchell at the helm. But the stage
was set for more battles after Protestant hard-liners walked out,
before finally returning.
"That was just the first round," warned a red-eyed David Trimble,
leader of the largest Protestant party, the Ulster Unionists.
Sinn Fein, the second-largest party on the Catholic side, is barred
from negotiations until the Irish Republican Army calls a cease-fire. A
previous truce ended Feb. 9 with a truck bomb that killed two men in
London.
Negotiations are scheduled to continue Monday.
Trimble's party, which is committed to preserving Northern Ireland's
union with Britain, approved a midnight compromise accepting Mitchell
as chairman. Protestants have accused the Clinton administration of
being too sympathetic to the IRA and its goal of a united Ireland.
The talks are aimed at finding a way to govern Northern Ireland that is
acceptable to the province's pro-British Protestant majority and its
Irish Catholic minority -- and end violence that has killed 3,200
people since 1969.
So far, however, the fiercest arguments have been within the Protestant
camp.
The Rev. Ian Paisley and other hard-line Protestant politicians
condemned Trimble for returning to the talks.
"You have lied to the people of Ulster, but the people have not been
fooled," said a member of Paisley's party, the Rev. William McCrea,
interrupting Trimble in a TV interview.
Trimble, a quick-tempered lawyer, momentarily grabbed McCrea by the
shoulders, then let go. The two traded barbs all the way to the door.
Many Protestants fear that U.S. involvement will mean pressure to grant
concessions to the IRA-Sinn Fein movement, which wants to end British
rule and unite Northern Ireland with the predominantly Catholic
Republic of Ireland.
Both Ireland and Britain want Sinn Fein involved and hope that having
Mitchell in charge will send an encouraging signal to IRA supporters
that the talks will be serious.
At 1 a.m., after Paisley and another Protestant party denounced
Mitchell as a "dictator" and walked out, Mitchell instructed the seven
remaining party leaders to pledge themselves to six principles,
including a commitment to democracy and disarmament.
Paisley returned 10 hours later and said he would not participate in
sessions chaired by Mitchell, but then appeared in the negotiating room
in front of the former senator from Maine.
Paisley's son, Ian Paisley Jr., described the exchange in the following
way:
"My father refused to recognize the chair (Mitchell), then he read a
prepared statement outlining seven of our own party principles. Then he
threw it on the table and left the room treating the whole illegal
gathering with contempt," Paisley Jr. said.
Other negotiators told a different story: that of a contrite Paisley
referring to Mitchell as "sir."
Another party that walked out early Wednesday, Robert McCartney's
United Kingdom Unionist Party, also came back to endorse the
principles. But McCartney said the Ulster Unionists' tactics "made me
want to weep."
Mitchell shrugged off the initial feuding.
"The way is now open for a week of intensive -- and, I hope,
constructive -- work," he said.
|
1579.31 | What's the way forward ? | TAGART::EDDIE | Easy doesn't do it | Mon Jun 17 1996 08:34 | 13 |
|
Saturday's bombing in Manchester was a disgraceful act and I feel
very sorry for the victims.
I understand the feelings of the people who say that Sinn Fein
should not be allowed into the peace talks but what are the options?
It is not the people around the peace table who are doing the
bombing so how can the bombing be stopped unless you talk to the
people who are doing it?
I cannot see how a peace deal can be worked out without talking to
those people who are disrupting the peace.
|
1579.32 | | WOTVAX::LEVERSEDGEM | Je ne sais pas..... | Mon Jun 17 1996 09:39 | 23 |
|
Whilst last time I was in this file I would have tended to have agreed
with you, my opinion - like many other peoples is hardening very
quickly. I do not agree with peace at any price and no-one would believe a
declared cease fire by the IRA now anyway. The sad thing is that these
terrorists believe themselves to be speaking for Ireland - they are
deluded. The vast majority of irish citizens condemn their actions.
unfortunately the attacks on the mainland will lead to discrimination
against irish people - though we're intelligent enough to know that
most irish people are thankfully decent peaceable people its
understandable that stangers in our community with irish accents will
be looked upon with great suspicion - i find that incredibly sad. Isnt
it time the IRA realised that they are only succeeding in turning many
more people against them and their cause with their actions.
Shelley
|
1579.33 | Progress ? | BIS1::MENZIES | Resume the Ceasefire!!! | Thu Jul 25 1996 06:22 | 74 |
| RTw 07/24 1927 N.Irish parties inch towards full peace talks
By Martin Cowley
BELFAST, July 25 (Reuter) - Northern Ireland's Protestant and Catholic
politicians edged closer to long-awaited full-scale peace negotiations
on Thursday after a compromise formula eased a deadlock in six week
multi-party talks.
"It's steady progress, important progress...," Michael Ancram, a junior
Northern Ireland Office minister, told reporters after the talks'
chairman, former U.S. senator George Mitchell, won support for measures
to end procedural wrangling by pro-British Protestants.
"We now have a set of rules of procedure which I hope will be agreed
(in plenary talks) on Monday, but we haven't yet addressed the question
of the opening agenda...We need to do that urgently," Ancram told
reporters.
But hardline Protestant leader Ian Paisley resisted the package which
political sources said had been backed by a majority of participants
around the talks table.
Signalling further stormy days ahead for the talks process, Democratic
Unionist Party leader Paisley was steadfastly against any attempt to
put the future of British rule in the province on the agenda for full
talks.
"We are not in the business of negotiating the Union (of Northern
Ireland and Britain)," Paisley said defiantly.
Paisley said no decision could be taken on Mitchell's compromise plans
until Monday's plenary but he accepted they would be ratified and said
he would oppose key sections.
"We will be voting against the (appointment of) the chairman and his
two colleagues (former Finnish prime minister Harri Holkeri and
Canadian general John de Chaselain)."
Referring to Mitchell, who is President Bill Clinton's Irish economic
adviser, Paisley said: "We don't want an envoy of the president of the
United States presiding over our destiny."
Mitchell tabled the compromise formula to ensure that the struggling
talks could move on from rows dogging it since the June 10 start.
The talks are due to adjourn for a month next week and along with the
Anglo-Irish sponsors he was anxious that they would get down to serious
negotiations when they restart in September.
Irish minister Nora Owen said progress had been made. "I hope the
message will go out that we are nearing the end of this particular
procedure (towards) getting the rules...agreed," she told reporters.
Sources in the main Protestant party, the Ulster Unionists, said their
attitude to the Mitchell formula would depend on the agenda finalised
at further talks on Thursday.
"We will give a final verdict on both on Monday," a UUP source told
Reuters.
Dublin and London hope the talks will end decades of political and
sectarian conflict between the majority Protestants who support rule
from London and minority Catholics who want an all-Ireland state.
Protestants opposed the rules saying they suspected Britain and Ireland
would use the talks to bring their arch-foes, the Irish Republican Army
to the conference table.
Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Army, has been
banned from participating until the IRA reinstates its 1994 ceasefire,
which was abandoned in February with a bombing campaign in London.
REUTER
|