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Conference tallis::celt

Title:Celt Notefile
Moderator:TALLIS::DARCY
Created:Wed Feb 19 1986
Last Modified:Tue Jun 03 1997
Last Successful Update:Fri Jun 06 1997
Number of topics:1632
Total number of notes:20523

1453.0. "Report predicts move to a united Ireland" by KOALA::HOLOHAN () Thu Feb 02 1995 09:15



The Irish Times
February  1, 1995
987 words


Report predicts move to a united Ireland
Alleged proposals suggest joint approach in dealings with Brussels


    TODAY'S London Times claims it has "obtained" a draft of the proposed

London/Dublin Joint Framework Document, which, it says, "brings the prospect of

a united Ireland closer than it has been at any time since partition in 1920".

   According to the report, the document, still under negotiation between the

British and Irish governments, includes proposals for a joint North/South

authority with radical executive powers, including the right to deal with

Brussels". It claims "the executive powers would be sweeping."

   Apparently quoting directly from a draft, it suggests that, in the first

instance, the North/South authority would take over "sectors involving a

natural, physical all Ireland framework" and "European Commission programmes and

initiatives". It suggests the body would make policy decisions "for the whole

island in respect of the challenges and opportunities of the European Union".

   The paper claims the proposed North/South body will be established and

mandated by legislation in the two sovereign parliaments and participation would

be "a duty of service" on Irish ministers and departmental heads in a proposed

 Northern Ireland  assembly. The body would be tasked to encourage the

"harmonisation" between North and South "of most policy areas, ranging from

education to agriculture".  And the framework document will purportedly carry

the hope of the subsequent extension and enlargement of the body's powers and

functions: "The remit of the body should be dynamic," enabling progressive

extension of its functions to new areas. It's role should develop to keep pace

with the growth of harmonisation and with greater integration between the two

economies."

   In a statement late last night, Downing Street said the Joint Framework

Document was not yet complete and important issues remained to be agreed. "There

is no question of the British government agreeing to joint authority by London

and Dublin," the statement said.

   While Irish Government sources refused to make any comment, attention was

clearly focussed on the purpose of the apparent leak.

   The Times account suggested that the deal, yet to be completed by the British

Prime Minister, Mr Major, and the Taoiseach, Mr Bruton, "is certain to be seen

as a sell out by the unionist community". It also claimed that: "Several members

of the cabinet, led by Viscount Cranbourne (Conservative leader in the House of

Lords), are warning in private that the proposed deal will never be accepted by

the Protestant community in the North."

   The proposals in the framework document were said to "go further than the

1973 Sunningdale Agreement", and the paper claimed "relations between the Ulster

unionists and the  Northern Ireland  Office are at their lowest since the

Downing Street Declaration."

   The report claims the document will re state Britain's "neutrality" on the

question of the Union and that future relationships "should respect the full and

equal legitimacy and worth of the identity, sense of allegiance, aspirations and

ethos of both the unionist and nationalist communities". The British would

pledge "rigorous impartiality" in their rule and discharge their responsibility

without prejudice to the freedom of the people of  Northern Ireland  to

determine their future constitutional status.

   It is acknowledged that the key question of "constitutional balance" has yet

to be agreed by the two governments. However, it is claimed that Britain will

promise constitutional change in the following terms: "The new approach for

 Northern Ireland  will be enshrined in British constitutional legislation. . .

either by amendment of the Government of Ireland Act 1920 or, by its replacement

by appropriate new legislation and appropriate new provisions.

   In return, the Republic's Government would introduce and support changes in

the Irish Constitution: "These changes will fully reflect the principle of

consent in  Northern Ireland  . . . (so) that no territorial claim of right over

 Northern Ireland  contrary to the will of its people is asserted."

   Last night, sources in London cast considerable doubt over the paper's claim

that new North/South institutions "would take over relations with Brussels".

   It is understood that the proposed "European dimension" to any future

settlement on the North would not impinge on Britain's responsibility to

negotiate on behalf of the UK as a whole, and would not require an amendment of

the Maastricht Treaty.


                        ___________________________________


The Irish Times
February  1, 1995
614 words


SF to limit meetings with British
by GERRY MORIARTY
    SINN FEIN, in the strongest expression yet of its frustration at the pace of

political progress, has set a limit on the number of future exploratory meetings

it is prepared to hold with the British government.

   On the eve of today's fourth round of exploratory talks at Stormont, a senior

Sinn Fein source said that Sinn Fein and the British government "had agreed"

that there would be only three more rounds of such dialogue between the two

sides. However a British government spokesman denied any such agreement.

   The Sinn Fein source denied that this was an implicit ultimatum to the

British that if Sinn Fein was not quickly involved in full scale talks it would

disengage from the peace process, and that the IRA ceasefire would be seriously

jeopardised.

   "We would hope that within the next three meetings (including today's) it

should be possible for both the British government and ourselves to move quickly

through the remaining issues, and spell out our views on them, and then move on

to all party talks," the source said.

   When asked about the British government's concern that the Ulster Unionist

Party would not engage in such talks ahead of the decommissioning of IRA arms,

the source said: "The British government must deal with the unionist veto. They

should set the venue and the date for all party talks and send out the

invitations."

   The British government spokesman, however, denied there was any agreement

with Sinn Fein to hold only three more exploratory meetings. The exploratory

talks were part of a process of a systematic discussing of all the relevant

issues, he said.

   An  Northern Ireland  Office source added that the British government's

understanding was that there was no limit on the number of meetings. He pointed

out that there were many issues to be resolved, particularly the matter of arms

where no progress has so far been made.

   The Sinn Fein source said the exploratory talks were not a negotiating

exercise but an exchange of views. Real progress on issues such as the

decommissioning of arms could only be made at all party talks.

   The decision to curtail the number of meetings is obviously a stepping up of

pressure by Sinn Fein on the British government, but it is unclear if it is

motivated by growing tensions in the republican leadership or republican

annoyance at slow progress.

   The source, citing recent comments from the Sinn Fein president, Mr Gerry

Adams, and the leader of their talks team, Mr Martin McGuinness, said there was

considerable frustration at leadership level within the republican movement at

the "snail's pace" of political developments.

T.RTitleUserPersonal
Name
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1453.1FUTURS::GIDDINGS_DFri Feb 03 1995 08:397
    There has been a swift reaction to the report in the Times from the
    Ulster Unionists. The Prime Minister has made a special speech on 
    national TV about the issue (a rare event).  The Unionist are considering
    whether to stop supporting the government, an event which could lead to
    its downfall, probably not immediately, but possibly within months.
    
    Dave   
1453.2BELFST::MCCOMBAn SLB from DoireFri Feb 03 1995 10:496
    RE.0
    Good Heavens Mark
    
    I've only been here down here 3 weeks and look what I've achieved ! 
    
    Gareth 8*)
1453.3KOALA::HOLOHANFri Feb 03 1995 13:036
 .2

  Did you write the document, or leak it? :-)

                          Mark
1453.4Of course we miss Gareth!!BELFST::HANNAFri Feb 03 1995 14:0415
Gareth,

I am getting really fed up with all your references about how you are spending 
6 months in the Dublin office!!!

Please restrict all comments about your trips to Nice/Dublin/Contraceptive Pill
Factories in Dublin to one topic as I have to read through lots of different
topics to find out what you are doing this week.

Please come back soon

Sarcastically yours

Dermot  :-) 

1453.5BELFST::MCCOMBAn SLB from DoireMon Feb 06 1995 06:0023
re.3
Mark,
     I wrote it of course! What else have I to do in the evenings?

I have the same question about some of our products when they hit the 
streets ie. were they released or did they escape?!!! 8*)

The leak has certainly put some energy into the Unionist Politicians maybe 
they'll have to do some real 'politicing' for a change instead of just 
talking about itto the press and refusing to talk at the table. 

Abit like the lottery "IF YOU'RE NOT IN YOU CAN"T WIN"!!

Re. 4

Dermot,
       I'm back in Belfast this week for rehabilitation! By the way the 
girls tell me that they feel in no danger of needing the "Pill" when you 
are around!!!!

Gareth 


1453.6Phoney charges to be brought against councillorsKOALA::HOLOHANTue Feb 21 1995 09:259
  It seems that while British parliament debate the "Framework Doc", the
  Loyalist are being appeased by the sweeping arrests of Sinn Fein
  councillors.  Dodie McGuinness, Mary Nelis, and Gerry Doherty
  from Derry are being held.  The charges are going to be some trumped
  up lies about kidnapping.  It appears that the councillors have been
  set up for the purpose of loyalist appeasement.

                         Mark
1453.7A moderate writes...45807::SULLIVANDNot gauche, just sinisterTue Feb 21 1995 10:4412
    RE: .6
    Mark,
        Very little is achieved by the use of such loaded terms as
    "phoney", "appeased", "trumped-up", "lies", and "set up". Regardless of
    the rights and wrongs of the case, this sort of language is only going
    to switch off your audience. It reminds me of the sort of thing that
    used to be churned out ad nauseam by the East Germans about
    "Freedom-loving democratic peoples socialist republics" and "capitalist
    hyenas"; good for a laugh but not much else.
    
    Dave
    ====
1453.8closeSIOG::KEYESDECADMIRE Engineering DTN 827-5556Tue Feb 21 1995 14:0621
    
    
    Framework doc to be announced to-morrow by Major and Bruton. The
    unionists have seemingly announced their own document (no details of
    yet)
    
    A fear is that the framework document will be writen in such a manner
    to be open to MANY interpetations and we will have months of discussion
    on what exactly such and such a word/sentence means. This would be a 
    disaster.
    
    It looks like getting folk to a table to even Discuss this framework 
    document would be an achievement. 
    
    Time will tell
    
    rgs,
    
    Mick 
    
    
1453.9More on joint framework...TALLIS::DARCYAlpha Migration ToolsThu Feb 23 1995 10:25111
From:	US1RMC::"[email protected]" "MAIL-11 Daemon" 23-FEB-1995 07:25:08.31
To:	[email protected]
CC:	
Subj:	Joint Framework Document available


I expect that you have all heard that the Joint Framework Document was
published yesterday.  I spent the day in Dublin and was unable to
follow events as closely as I would have liked.  However, I did drop
into the Department of Foreign Affairs and a very helpful Maire
Flanagan was good enough to supply me with a copy of the entire
document on diskette.  Rather than send the 42.5kb file to the entire
distribution list I am making it available to those who would like a
copy.

Simply send an email message to <[email protected]> or if you would rather use
the World Wide Web have a look at the UCD home page:

                         http://slarti.ucd.ie/

I have also sent a copy to IEunet and expect that it will be available
on its home page:

                         http://www.ieunet.ie/

If you have any difficulties let me know and I will email a copy to
you.

The following are some notes about the document which were supplied by
the Department of Foreign Affairs:

These proposals:

    - reaffirm the guiding principles of self-determination, the
      consent of the governed, exclusively democratic and peaceful
      means, and full respect and protection for the rights and
      identities of both traditions;

    - provide for an agreed new approach to traditional constitutional
      doctrines on both sides:

       o the British Government will propose changes to its
         constitutional legislation, so as to incorporate a commitment
         to continuing willingness to accept the will of a majority of
         the people living in Northern Ireland, and a commitment to
         exercise their jurisdiction with rigorous impartiality on
         behalf of all the people of Northern Ireland, in a way which
         does not prejudice their freedom to determine Northern
         Ireland's constitutional status, whether in remaining a part
         of the United Kingdom or in forming part of a united Ireland;

       o the Irish Government will introduce and support proposals for
         changes in the Irish Constitution, so that no territorial
         claim of right to jurisdiction over Northern Ireland contrary
         to the will of a majority of its people is asserted, and so
         that the Irish Government recognise the legitimacy of whatever
         choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of
         Northern Ireland with regard to its constitutional status;

    - commend direct dialogue with the relevant political parties in
      Northern Ireland in developing new internal structures;

    - propose a North/South body, comprising elected representatives
      from, and accountable to, a Northern Ireland Assembly and the
      Irish Parliament, to deal with matters designated by the two
      Governments in the first instance in agreement with the parties;

    - describe ways in which such a body could work with executive,
      harmonising or consultative functions, by way of authority
      delegated to its members by the Assembly;

    - envisage that all decisions within the North/South body would be
      by agreement between the two sides;

    - set out criteria for the designation of functions, and suggest a
      range of functions that might be designated from the outset, for
      agreement with the parties;

    - envisage the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Irish Parliament
      being able, by agreement, to designate further functions or to
      move functions already designated between the three categories;

    - envisage that the body will have an important role, in
      consultation with the two Governments, in developing an agreed
      approach for the whole island in respect of the challenges and
      opportunities of the European Union;

    - envisage a Parliamentary forum, with representatives from new
      northern Ireland institutions and the Irish Parliament, to
      consider matters of mutual interest;

    - envisage a new and more broadly based Agreement between the
      British and Irish Governments to develop and extend co-operation;

    - envisage a standing Intergovernmental Conference which would
      consider matters of mutual interest, but not those transferred to
      new political institutions in Northern Ireland;

    - envisage that representatives of agreed political institutions in
      Northern Ireland may be formally associated with the work of the
      Conference;

    - provide for a complementary undertaking by both Governments to
      ensure protection for specified civil, political, social and
      cultural rights.

These proposals do not provide for joint authority by the British and
Irish Governments over Northern Ireland.  They do not predetermine any
outcome to the Talks process.  Agreement by the parties, and then by
the people, is the key.

1453.10KOALA::HOLOHANThu Feb 23 1995 16:5555

Dublin protest at police swoop on Sinn Fein
By Martin Cowley

    BELFAST, Northern Ireland (Reuter) - Irish opposition leader
Bertie Ahern condemned a police raid Monday on Sinn Fein
activists in Northern Ireland which provoked a street clash as
British and Irish leaders prepared to spell out hopes for
lasting peace.
    Seven activists in Sinn Fein, the political wing of the
illegal Irish Republican Army, were detained by Royal Ulster
Constabulary (RUC) officers who also raided the party's
headquarters in Londonderry, Northern Ireland's second city.
    Angry scenes flared when police arrived to search the Sinn
Fein premises after arresting six activists at their homes. The
seventh person was detained during minor scuffles.
    Placard-carrying republicans confronted police and lashed
out at RUC vehicles leaving the office in the heart of the Roman
Catholic nationalist Bogside district.
    An RUC spokesman said that those arrested earlier were being
questioned about crime but he refused to elaborate further.
Officers seized items from the Sinn Fein office which would be
examined forensically, he said.
    Ahern, leader of the Fianna Fail party in the Dublin
parliament, described it as ``provocative and grossly
irresponsible action by the British authorities'' two days ahead
of the expected launch of Anglo-Irish plans to cement peace in
Northern Ireland after six-month guerrilla cease-fires.
    Ahern suggested that the operation, in which two nationally
known Sinn Fein figures were detained, was intended to soothe
pro-British Unionist concerns that the plans would weaken
London's commitment to rule Northern Ireland.
    ``On the face of it, the action appears to be primarily for
the purpose of political appeasement,'' he said in a statement.
    Two of the detainees, Dodie McGuinness and Mary Nelis, a
municipal council member in Londonderry, are members of the Sinn
Fein delegation at the Irish-government sponsored National Forum
for Peace and Reconciliation which meets in Dublin.
    Ahern said Britain was demonstrating contempt for Sinn
Fein's electoral mandate and for the forum established by Dublin
to give republicans a democratic voice after the IRA ended its
armed campaign against London rule last September.
    Martin McGuinness, an executive member of Sinn Fein, told
reporters in Dublin that the RUC's action was ``a provocation of
the gravest kind.''
    Sinn Fein was brought in from the political cold last
December when Britain sanctioned exploratory talks after the IRA
called off its 25-year armed campaign to end Northern Ireland's
links with Britain and achieve a united Ireland.
Reut16:50 02-20

Reuter N:Copyright 1995, Reuters News Service

.
1453.11TALLIS::DARCYAlpha Migration ToolsThu Feb 23 1995 17:4222
    So what is this agreement in layman's terms?
    
    Sounds like the British government are giving back full,
    equally represented, local rule to Northern Ireland, with
    the possibility of joint authority between the Republic
    and the North in sectors like energy, tourism, etc...
    
    Unfortunately, I didn't read anything in relation to
    realigning the police force (RUC) in Northern Ireland. Is
    this the main consession to the Unionists?
    
    This phase will be difficult, i.e. selling the peace plan
    and at the same time keeping the peace. Hopefully, balanced
    heads will prevail as they have up until now. Reading between
    the lines it appears the British are pulling out. And I suspect
    that this outcome was due in larger part from pressure from
    London and Dublin than from the perceived IRA stick...
    
    Here's hoping peace takes hold... The people of the North
    deserve it.
    
    /g
1453.12A NEW FRAMEWORK FOR AGREEMENTKOALA::HOLOHANMon Feb 27 1995 14:18766
                     A NEW FRAMEWORK FOR AGREEMENT

                    A shared understanding between
                   the British and Irish Governments
            to assist discussion and negotiation involving
                     the Northern Ireland parties



1.  The Joint Declaration acknowledges that the most urgent and
    important issue facing the people of Ireland, North and South, and
    the British and Irish Governments together, is to remove the causes
    of conflict, to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the
    divisions which have resulted.

2.  Both Governments recognise that there is much for deep regret on
    all sides in the long and often tragic history of Anglo-Irish
    relations, and of relations in Ireland.  They believe it is now
    time to lay aside, with dignity and forbearance, the mistakes of
    the past.   A collective effort is needed to create, through
    agreement and reconciliation, a new beginning founded on consent,
    for relationships within Northern Ireland, within the island of
    Ireland and between the peoples of these islands.  The Joint
    Declaration itself represents an important step towards this goal,
    offering the people of Ireland, North and South, whatever their
    tradition, the basis to agree that from now on their differences
    can be negotiated and resolved exclusively by peaceful political
    means.

3.  The announcements made by the Irish Republican Army on 31 August
    1994 and the Combined Loyalist Military Command on 13 October 1994
    are a welcome response to the profound desire of people throughout
    these islands for a permanent end to the violence which caused such
    immense suffering and waste and served only to reinforce the
    barriers of fear and hatred, impeding the search for agreement.

4.  A climate of peace enables the process of healing to begin. It
    transforms the prospects for political progress, building on that
    already made in the Talks process.  Everyone now has a role to play
    in moving irreversibly beyond the failures of the past and creating
    new relationships capable of perpetuating peace with freedom and
    justice.

5.  In the Joint Declaration both Governments set themselves the aim of
    fostering agreement and reconciliation, leading to a new political
    framework founded on consent.  A vital dimension of this
    three-stranded process is the search, through dialogue with the
    relevant Northern Ireland parties, for new institutions and
    structures to take account of the totality of relationships and to
    enable the people of Ireland to work together in all areas of
    common interest while fully respecting their diversity.

6.  Both Governments are conscious of the widespread desire, throughout
    both islands and more widely, to see negotiations underway as soon
    as possible.  They also acknowledge the many requests, from parties
    in Northern Ireland and elsewhere, for both Governments to set out
    their views on how agreement might be reached on relationships
    within the island of Ireland and between the peoples of these
    islands.

7.  In this Framework Document both Governments therefore describe a
    shared understanding reached between them on the parameters of a
    possible outcome to the Talks process, consistent with the Joint
    Declaration and the statement of 26 March 1991.  Through this they
    hope to give impetus and direction to the process and to show that
    a fair and honourable accommodation can be envisaged across all the
    relationships, which would enable people to work constructively for
    their mutual benefit, without compromising the essential principles
    or the long-term aspirations or interests of either tradition or of
    either community.

8.  Both Governments are aware that the approach in this document
    presents challenges to strongly-held positions on all sides.
    However, a new beginning in relationships means addressing
    fundamental issues in a new way and inevitably requires significant
    movement from all sides.  This document is not a rigid blueprint to
    be imposed but both Governments believe it sets out a realistic and
    balanced framework for agreement which could be achieved, with
    flexibility and goodwill on all sides, in comprehensive
    negotiations with the relevant political parties in Northern
    Ireland.  In this spirit, both Governments offer this document for
    consideration and accordingly strongly commend it to the parties,
    the people in the island of Ireland and more widely.

9.  The primary objective of both Governments in their approach to
    Northern Ireland is to promote and establish agreement among the
    people of the island of Ireland, building on the Joint Declaration.
    To this end they will both deploy their political resources with
    the aim of securing a new and comprehensive agreement involving the
    relevant political parties in Northern Ireland and commanding the
    widest possible support.

10. They take as guiding principles for their co-operation in search of
    this agreement:

        (i)   the principle of self-determination, as set out in the
              Joint Declaration;

        (ii)  that the consent of the governed is an essential
              ingredient for stability in any political arrangement;

        (iii) that agreement must be pursued and established by
              exclusively democratic, peaceful means, without resort to
              violence or coercion;

        (iv)  that any new political arrangements must be based on full
              respect for, and protection and expression of, the rights
              and identities of both traditions in Ireland and
              even-handedly afford both communities in Northern Ireland
              parity of esteem and treatment, including equality of
              opportunity and advantage.

11. They acknowledge that in Northern Ireland, unlike the situation
    which prevails elsewhere throughout both islands, there is a
    fundamental absence of consensus about constitutional issues.
    There are deep divisions between the members of the two main
    traditions living there over their respective senses of identity
    and allegiance, their views on the present status of Northern
    Ireland and their vision of future relationships in Ireland and
    between the two islands. However, the two Governments also
    recognise that the large majority of people, in both parts of
    Ireland, are at one in their commitment to the democratic process
    and in their desire to resolve political differences by peaceful
    means.

12. In their search for political agreement, based on consent, the two
    Governments are determined to address in a fresh way all of the
    relationships involved.  Their aim is to overcome the legacy of
    division by reconciling the rights of both traditions in the
    fullest and most equitable manner.  They will continue to work
    towards and encourage the achievement of agreement, so as to
    realise the goal set out in the statement of 26 March 1991 of "a
    new beginning for relationships within Northern Ireland, within the
    island of Ireland and between the peoples of these islands".

13. The two Governments will work together with the parties to achieve
    a comprehensive accommodation, the implementation of which would
    include interlocking and mutually supportive institutions across
    the three strands, including:

        (a)   Structures within Northern Ireland (paragraphs 22 and 23)
              - to enable elected representatives in Northern Ireland
              to exercise shared administrative and legislative control
              over all those matters that can be agreed across both
              communities and which can most effectively and
              appropriately be dealt with at that level;

        (b)   North/South institutions (paragraphs 24-38) - with clear
              identity and purpose, to enable representatives of
              democratic institutions, North and South, to enter into
              new, co-operative and constructive relationships; to
              promote agreement among the people of the island of
              Ireland;  to carry out on a democratically accountable
              basis delegated executive, harmonising and consultative
              functions over a range of designated matters to be
              agreed;  and to serve to acknowledge and reconcile the
              rights, identities and aspirations of the two major
              traditions;

        (c)   East-West structures (paragraphs 39-49) - to enhance the
              existing basis for co-operation between the two
              Governments, and to promote, support and underwrite the
              fair and effective operation of the new arrangements.


    Constitutional Issues

14. Both Governments accept that agreement on an overall settlement
    requires, inter alia, a balanced accommodation of the differing
    views of the two main traditions on the constitutional issues in
    relation to the special position of Northern Ireland.

15. Given the absence of consensus and depth of divisions between the
    two main traditions in Northern Ireland, the two Governments agree
    that such an accommodation will involve an agreed new approach to
    the traditional constitutional doctrines on both sides.  This would
    be aimed at enhancing and codifying the fullest attainable measure
    of consent across both traditions in Ireland and fostering the
    growth of consensus between them.

16. In their approach to Northern Ireland they will apply the principle
    of self-determination by the people of Ireland on the basis set out
    in the Joint Declaration:  the British Government recognise that it
    is for the people of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two
    parts respectively and without external impediment, to exercise
    their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely
    and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united
    Ireland, if that is their wish;  the Irish Government accept that
    the democratic right of self-determination by the people of Ireland
    as a whole must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the
    agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern
    Ireland.

17. New arrangements should be in accordance with the commitments in
    the Anglo-Irish Agreement and in the Joint Declaration.  They
    should acknowledge that it would be wrong to make any change in the
    status of Northern Ireland save with the consent of a majority of
    the people of Northern Ireland.  If in future a majority of the
    people there wish for and formally consent to the establishment of
    a united Ireland, the two Governments will introduce and support
    legislation to give effect to that wish.

18. Both Governments recognise that Northern Ireland's current
    constitutional status reflects and relies upon the present wish of
    a majority of its people.  They also acknowledge that at present a
    substantial minority of its people wish for a united Ireland.
    Reaffirming the commitment to encourage, facilitate and enable the
    achievement of agreement over a period among all the people who
    inhabit the island, they acknowledge that the option of a sovereign
    united Ireland does not command the consent of the unionist
    tradition, nor does the existing status of Northern Ireland command
    the consent of the nationalist tradition.  Against this background,
    they acknowledge the need for new arrangements and structures - to
    reflect the reality of diverse aspirations, to reconcile as fully
    as possible the rights of both traditions, and to promote
    co-operation between them, so as to foster the process of
    developing agreement and consensus between all the people of
    Ireland.

19. They agree that future arrangements relating to Northern Ireland,
    and Northern Ireland's wider relationships, should respect the full
    and equal legitimacy and worth of the identity, sense of
    allegiance, aspiration and ethos of both the unionist and
    nationalist communities there. Consequently, both Governments
    commit themselves to the principle that institutions and
    arrangements in Northern Ireland and North/South institutions
    should afford both communities secure and satisfactory political,
    administrative and symbolic expression and protection.  In
    particular, they commit themselves to entrenched provisions
    guaranteeing equitable and effective political participation for
    whichever community finds itself in a minority position by
    reference to the Northern Ireland framework, or the wider Irish
    framework, as the case may be, consequent upon the operation of the
    principle of consent.

20. The British Government reaffirm that they will uphold the
    democratic wish of a greater number of the people of Northern
    Ireland on the issue of whether they prefer to support the Union or
    a sovereign united Ireland.   On this basis, they reiterate that
    they have no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern
    Ireland.  For as long as the democratic wish of the people of
    Northern Ireland is for no change in its present status, the
    British Government pledge that their jurisdiction there will be
    exercised with rigorous impartiality on behalf of all the people of
    Northern Ireland in their diversity.  It will be founded on the
    principles outlined in the previous paragraph with emphasis on full
    respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural
    rights and freedom from discrimination for all citizens, on parity
    of esteem, and on just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos
    and aspirations of both communities.  The British Government will
    discharge their responsibilities in a way which does not prejudice
    the freedom of the people of Northern Ireland to determine, by
    peaceful and democratic means, its future constitutional status,
    whether in remaining a part of the United Kingdom or in forming
    part of a united Ireland.  They will be equally cognizant of either
    option and open to its democratic realisation, and will not impede
    the latter option, their primary interest being to see peace,
    stability and reconciliation established by agreement among the
    people who inhabit the island.  This new approach for Northern
    Ireland, based on the continuing willingness to accept the will of
    a majority of the people there, will be enshrined in British
    constitutional legislation embodying the principles and commitments
    in the Joint Declaration and this Framework Document, either by
    amendment of the Government of Ireland Act 1920 or by its
    replacement by appropriate new legislation, and appropriate new
    provisions entrenched by agreement.

21. As part of an agreement confirming the foregoing understanding
    between the two Governments on constitutional issues, the Irish
    Government will introduce and support proposals for change in the
    Irish Constitution to implement the commitments in the Joint
    Declaration.  These changes in the Irish Constitution will fully
    reflect the principle of consent in Northern Ireland and
    demonstrably be such that no territorial claim of right to
    jurisdiction over Northern Ireland contrary to the will of a
    majority of its people is asserted, while maintaining the existing
    birthright of everyone born in either jurisdiction in Ireland to be
    part, as of right, of the Irish nation.  They will enable a new
    Agreement to be ratified which will include, as part of a new and
    equitable dispensation for Northern Ireland embodying the
    principles and commitments in the Joint Declaration and this
    Framework Document, recognition by both Governments of the
    legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of
    the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its constitutional
    status, whether they prefer to continue to support the Union or a
    sovereign united Ireland.


    Structures in Northern Ireland

22. Both Governments recognise that new political structures within
    Northern Ireland must depend on the co-operation of elected
    representatives there.  They confirm that cross-community agreement
    is an essential requirement for the establishment and operation of
    such structures.  They strongly favour and will support provision
    for cross-community consensus in relation to decisions affecting
    the basic rights, concerns and fundamental interests of both
    communities, for example on the lines adumbrated in Strand 1
    discussions in the 1992 round-table talks.

23. While the principles and overall context for such new structures
    are a recognised concern of both Governments in the exercise of
    their respective responsibilities, they consider that the
    structures themselves would be most effectively negotiated, as part
    of a comprehensive three-stranded process, in direct dialogue
    involving the relevant political parties in Northern Ireland who
    would be called upon to operate them.


    North/South Institutions

24. Both Governments consider that new institutions should be created
    to cater adequately for present and future political, social and
    economic inter-connections on the island of Ireland, enabling
    representatives of the main traditions, North and South, to enter
    agreed dynamic, new, co-operative and constructive relationships.

25. Both Governments agree that these institutions should include a
    North/South body involving Heads of Department on both sides and
    duly established and maintained by legislation in both sovereign
    Parliaments.  This body would bring together these Heads of
    Department representing the Irish Government and new democratic
    institutions in Northern Ireland, to discharge or oversee delegated
    executive, harmonising or consultative functions, as appropriate,
    over a range of matters which the two Governments designate in the
    first instance in agreement with the parties or which the two
    administrations, North and South, subsequently agree to designate.
    It is envisaged that, in determining functions to be discharged or
    overseen by the North/South body, whether by executive action,
    harmonisation or consultation, account will be taken of:

        (i)   the common interest in a given matter on the part of both
              parts of the island;  or

        (ii)  the mutual advantage of addressing a matter together; or

        (iii) the mutual benefit which may derive from it being
              administered by the North/South body;  or

        (iv)  the achievement of economies of scale and the avoidance
              of unnecessary duplication of effort.

    In relevant posts in each of the two administrations participation
    in the North/South body would be a duty of service.  Both
    Governments believe that the legislation should provide for a clear
    institutional identity and purpose for the North/South body.  It
    would also establish the body's terms of reference, legal status
    and arrangements for political, legal, administrative and financial
    accountability.  The North/South body could operate through, or
    oversee, a range of functionally-related subsidiary bodies or other
    entities established to administer designated functions on an
    all-island or cross-border basis.

26. Specific arrangements would need to be developed to apply to EU
    matters.  Any EU matter relevant to the competence of either
    administration could be raised for consideration in the North/South
    body.  Across all designated matters and in accordance with the
    delegated functions, both Governments agree that the body will have
    an important role, with their support and co-operation and in
    consultation with them, in developing on a continuing basis an
    agreed approach for the whole island in respect of the challenges
    and opportunities of the European Union.  In respect of matters
    designated at the executive level, which would include all EC
    programmes and initiatives to be implemented on a cross-border or
    island-wide basis in Ireland, the body itself would be responsible,
    subject to the Treaty obligations of each Government, for the
    implementation and management of EC policies and programmes on a
    joint basis.  This would include the preparation, in consultation
    with the two Governments, of joint submissions under EC programmes
    and initiatives and their joint monitoring and implementation,
    although individual projects could be implemented either jointly or
    separately.

27. Both Governments envisage regular and frequent meetings of the
    North/South body:

    -   to discharge the functions agreed for it in relation to a range
        of matters designated for treatment on an all-Ireland or
        cross-border basis;

    -   to oversee the work of subsidiary bodies.

28. The two Governments envisage that legislation in the sovereign
    Parliaments should designate those functions which should, from the
    outset, be discharged or overseen by the North/South body;  and
    they will seek agreement on these, as on other features of
    North/South arrangements, in discussion with the relevant political
    parties in Northern Ireland.  It would also be open to the
    North/South body to recommend to the respective administrations and
    legislatures for their consideration that new functions should be
    designated to be discharged or overseen by that body;  and to
    recommend that matters already designated should be moved on the
    scale between consultation, harmonisation and executive action.
    Within those responsibilities transferred to new institutions in
    Northern Ireland, the British Government have no limits of their
    own to impose on the nature and extent of functions which could be
    agreed for designation at the outset or, subsequently, between the
    Irish Government and the Northern Ireland administration.   Both
    Governments expect that significant responsibilities, including
    meaningful functions at executive level, will be a feature of such
    agreement.   The British Government believe that, in principle, any
    function devolved to the institutions in Northern Ireland could be
    so designated, subject to any necessary savings in respect of the
    British Government's powers and duties, for example to ensure
    compliance with EU and international obligations.   The Irish
    Government also expect to designate a comparable range of
    functions.

29. Although both Governments envisage that representatives of North
    and South in the body could raise for discussion any matter of
    interest to either side which falls within the competence of either
    administration, it is envisaged, as already mentioned, that its
    designated functions would fall into three broad categories:

        consultative:  the North/South body would be a forum where the
        two sides would consult on any aspect of designated matters on
        which either side wished to hold consultations.  Both sides
        would share a duty to exchange information and to consult about
        existing and future policy, though there would be no formal
        requirement that agreement would be reached or that policy
        would be harmonised or implemented jointly, but the development
        of mutual understanding or common or agreed positions would be
        the general goal;

        harmonising:  in respect of these designated responsibilities
        there would be, in addition to the duty to exchange information
        and to consult on the formulation of policy, an obligation on
        both sides to use their best endeavours to reach agreement on a
        common policy and to make determined efforts to overcome any
        obstacles in the way of that objective, even though its
        implementation might be undertaken by the two administrations
        separately;

        executive:  in the case of these designated responsibilities
        the North/South body would itself be directly responsible for
        the establishment of an agreed policy and for its
        implementation on a joint basis.  It would however be open to
        the body, where appropriate, to agree that the implementation
        of the agreed policy would be undertaken either by existing
        bodies, acting in an agency capacity, whether jointly or
        separately, North and South, or by new bodies specifically
        created and mandated for this purpose.

30. In this light, both Governments are continuing to give
    consideration to the range of functions that might, with the
    agreement of the parties, be designated at the outset and
    accordingly they will be ready to make proposals in that regard in
    future discussions with the relevant Northern Ireland parties.

31. By way of illustration, it is intended that these proposals would
    include at the executive level a range of functions, clearly
    defined in scope, from within the following broad categories:

    -   sectors involving a natural or physical all-Ireland framework;

    -   EC programmes and initiatives;

    -   marketing and promotion activities abroad;

    -   culture and heritage.

32. Again, by way of illustration, the Governments would make proposals
    at the harmonising level for a broader range of functions, clearly
    defined in scope (including, as appropriate, relevant EU aspects),
    from within the following categories:

    aspects of -

        agriculture and fisheries;

        industrial development;

        consumer affairs;

        transport;

        energy;

        trade;

        health;

        social welfare;

        education; and

        economic policy.

33. By way of example, the category of agriculture and fisheries might
    include agricultural and fisheries research, training and advisory
    services, and animal welfare;  health might include co-operative
    ventures in medical, paramedical and nursing training, cross-border
    provision of hospital services and major emergency/accident
    planning;  and education might include mutual recognition of
    teacher qualifications, co-operative ventures in higher education,
    in teacher training, in education for mutual understanding and in
    education for specialised needs.

34. The Governments also expect that a wide range of functions would be
    designated at the consultative level.

35. Both Governments envisage that all decisions within the body would
    be by agreement between the two sides.  The Heads of Department on
    each side would operate within the overall terms of reference
    mandated by legislation in the two sovereign Parliaments.  They
    would exercise their powers in accordance with the rules for
    democratic authority and accountability for this function in force
    in the Oireachtas and in new institutions in Northern Ireland.  The
    operation of the North/South body's functions would be subject to
    regular scrutiny in agreed political institutions in Northern
    Ireland and the Oireachtas respectively.

36. Both Governments expect that there would be a Parliamentary Forum,
    with representatives from agreed political institutions in Northern
    Ireland and members of the Oireachtas, to consider a wide range of
    matters of mutual interest.

37. Both Governments envisage that the framework would include
    administrative support staffed jointly by members of the Northern
    Ireland Civil Service and the Irish Civil Service. They also
    envisage that both administrations will need to arrange finance for
    the North/South body and its agencies on the basis that these
    constitute a necessary public function.

38. Both Governments envisage that this new framework should serve to
    help heal the divisions among the communities on the island of
    Ireland;  provide a forum for acknowledging the respective
    identities and requirements of the two major traditions;  express
    and enlarge the mutual acceptance of the validity of those
    traditions;  and promote understanding and agreement among the
    people and institutions in both parts of the island.   The remit of
    the body should be dynamic, enabling progressive extension by
    agreement of its functions to new areas.  Its role should develop
    to keep pace with the growth of harmonisation and with greater
    integration between the two economies.


    East-West Structures

39. Both Governments envisage a new and more broadly-based Agreement,
    developing and extending their co-operation, reflecting the
    totality of relationships between the two islands, and dedicated to
    fostering co-operation, reconciliation and agreement in Ireland at
    all levels.

40. They intend that under such a new Agreement a standing
    Intergovernmental Conference will be maintained, chaired by the
    designated Irish Minister and by the Secretary of State for
    Northern Ireland.  It would be supported by a Permanent Secretariat
    of civil servants from both Governments.

41. The Conference will be a forum through which the two Governments
    will work together in pursuance of their joint objectives of
    securing agreement and reconciliation amongst the people of the
    island of Ireland and of laying the foundations for a peaceful and
    harmonious future based on mutual trust and understanding between
    them.

42. The Conference will provide a continuing institutional expression
    for the Irish Government's recognised concern and role in relation
    to Northern Ireland.  The Irish Government will put forward views
    and proposals on issues falling within the ambit of the new
    Conference or involving both Governments, and determined efforts
    will be made to resolve any differences between the two
    Governments.  The Conference will be the principal instrument for
    an intensification of the co-operation and partnership between both
    Governments, with particular reference to the principles contained
    in the Joint Declaration, in this Framework Document and in the new
    Agreement, on a wide range of issues concerned with Northern
    Ireland and with the relations between the two parts of the island
    of Ireland.  It will facilitate the promotion of lasting peace,
    stability, justice and reconciliation among the people of the
    island of Ireland and maintenance of effective security
    co-operation between the two Governments.

43. Both Governments believe that there should also be provision in the
    Agreement for developing co-operation between the two Governments
    and both islands on a range of "East-West" issues and bilateral
    matters of mutual interest not covered by other specific
    arrangements, either through the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental
    Council, the Conference or otherwise.

44. Both Governments accept that issues of law and order in Northern
    Ireland are closely intertwined with the issues of political
    consensus.  For so long as these matters are not devolved, it will
    be for the Governments to consider ways in which a climate of
    peace, new institutions and the growth of political agreement may
    offer new possibilities and opportunities for enhancing community
    identification with policing in Northern Ireland, while maintaining
    the most effective possible deployment of the resources of each
    Government in their common determination to combat crime and
    prevent any possible recourse to the use or threat of violence for
    political ends, from any source whatsoever.

45. The Governments envisage that matters for which responsibility is
    transferred to new political institutions in Northern Ireland will
    be excluded from consideration in the Conference, except to the
    extent that the continuing responsibilities of the Secretary of
    State for Northern Ireland are relevant, or that cross-border
    aspects of transferred issues are not otherwise provided for, or in
    the circumstances described in the following paragraph.

46. The Intergovernmental Conference will be a forum for the two
    Governments jointly to keep under review the workings of the
    Agreement and to promote, support and underwrite the fair and
    effective operation of all its provisions and the new arrangements
    established under it.  Where either Government considers that any
    institution, established as part of the overall accommodation, is
    not properly functioning within the Agreement or that a breach of
    the Agreement has otherwise occurred, the Conference shall consider
    the matter on the basis of a shared commitment to arrive at a
    common position or, where that is not possible, to agree a
    procedure to resolve the difference between them.  If the two
    Governments conclude that a breach has occurred in any of the above
    circumstances, either Government may make proposals for remedy and
    adequate measures to redress the situation shall be taken.
    However, each Government will be responsible for the implementation
    of such measures of redress within its own jurisdiction.  There
    would be no derogation from the sovereignty of either Government;
    each will retain responsibility for the decisions and
    administration of government within its own jurisdiction.

47. In the event that devolved institutions in Northern Ireland ceased
    to operate, and direct rule from Westminster was reintroduced, the
    British Government agree that other arrangements would be made to
    implement the commitment to promote co-operation at all levels
    between the people, North and South, representing both traditions
    in Ireland, as agreed by the two Governments in the Joint
    Declaration, and to ensure that the co-operation that had been
    developed through the North/South body be maintained.

48. Both Governments envisage that representatives of agreed political
    institutions in Northern Ireland may be formally associated with
    the work of the Conference, in a manner and to an extent to be
    agreed by both Governments after consultation with them.  This
    might involve giving them advance notice of what is to be discussed
    in the Conference, enabling them to express views to either
    Government and inviting them to participate in various aspects of
    the work of the Conference.  Other more structured arrangements
    could be devised by agreement.

49. The Conference will also be a framework for consultation and
    coordination between both Governments and the new North/South
    institutions, where the wider role of the two Governments is
    particularly relevant to the work of those institutions, for
    example in a coordinated approach on EU issues.  It would be for
    consideration by both Governments, in consultation with the
    relevant parties in the North, or with the institutions after they
    have been established, whether to achieve this through formal or ad
    hoc arrangements.


    Protection of Rights

50. There is a large body of support, transcending the political
    divide, for the comprehensive protection and guarantee of
    fundamental human rights.  Acknowledging this, both Governments
    envisage that the arrangements set out in this Framework Document
    will be complemented and underpinned by an explicit undertaking in
    the Agreement on the part of each Government, equally, to ensure in
    its jurisdiction in the island of Ireland, in accordance with its
    constitutional arrangements, the systematic and effective
    protection of common specified civil, political, social and
    cultural rights.  They will discuss and seek agreement with the
    relevant political parties in Northern Ireland as to what rights
    should be so specified and how they might best be further
    protected, having regard to each Government's overall
    responsibilities including its international obligations.  Each
    Government will introduce appropriate legislation in its
    jurisdiction to give effect to any such measure of agreement.

51. In addition, both Governments would encourage democratic
    representatives from both jurisdictions in Ireland to adopt a
    Charter or Covenant, which might reflect and endorse agreed
    measures for the protection of the fundamental rights of everyone
    living in Ireland.  It could also pledge a commitment to mutual
    respect and to the civil rights and religious liberties of both
    communities, including:

    -   the right of free political thought,

    -   the right to freedom and expression of religion,

    -   the right to pursue democratically national and political
        aspirations,

    -   the right to seek constitutional change by peaceful and
        legitimate means,

    -   the right to live wherever one chooses without hindrance,

    -   the right to equal opportunity in all social and economic
        activity, regardless of class, creed, gender or colour.

52. This Charter or Covenant might also contain a commitment to the
    principle of consent in the relationships between the two
    traditions in Ireland.  It could incorporate also an enduring
    commitment on behalf of all the people of the island to guarantee
    and protect the rights, interests, ethos and dignity of the
    unionist community in any all-Ireland framework that might be
    developed with consent in the future, to at least the same extent
    as provided for the nationalist community in the context of
    Northern Ireland under the structures and provisions of the new
    Agreement.

53. The Covenant might also affirm on behalf of all traditions in
    Ireland a solemn commitment to the exclusively peaceful resolution
    of all differences between them including in relation to all issues
    of self-determination, and a solemn repudiation of all recourse to
    violence between them for any political end or purpose.


    Conclusion

54. Both Governments agree that the issues set out in this Framework
    Document should be examined in the most comprehensive attainable
    negotiations with democratically mandated political parties in
    Northern Ireland which abide exclusively by peaceful means and wish
    to join in dialogue on the way ahead.

55. Both Governments intend that the outcome of these negotiations will
    be submitted for democratic ratification through referendums, North
    and South.

56. Both Governments believe that the present climate of peace, which
    owes much to the imagination, courage and steadfastness of all
    those who have suffered from violence, offers the best prospect for
    the Governments and the parties in Northern Ireland to work to
    secure agreement and consent to a new political accommodation.  To
    accomplish that would be an inestimable prize for all, and
    especially for people living in Northern Ireland, who have so much
    to gain from such an accommodation, in which the divisions of the
    past are laid aside for ever and differences are resolved by
    exclusively political means.  Both Governments believe that a new
    political dispensation, such as they set out in this Framework
    Document, achieved through agreement and reconciliation and founded
    on the principle of consent, would achieve that objective and
    transform relationships in Northern Ireland, in the island of
    Ireland and between both islands.

57. With agreement, co-operation to the mutual benefit of all living in
    Ireland could develop without impediment, attaining its full
    potential for stimulating economic growth and prosperity.  New
    arrangements could return power, authority and responsibility to
    locally-elected representatives in Northern Ireland on a basis
    acceptable to both sides of the community, enabling them to work
    together for the common welfare and interests of all the community.
    The diversity of identities and allegiances could be regarded by
    all as a source of mutual enrichment, rather than a threat to
    either side.  The divisive issue of sovereignty might cease to be
    symbolic of the domination of one community over another.  It would
    instead be for decision under agreed ground-rules, fair and
    balanced towards both aspirations, through a process of democratic
    persuasion governed by the principle of consent rather than by
    threat, fear or coercion.  In such circumstances the Governments
    hope that the relationship between the traditions in Northern
    Ireland could become a positive bond of further understanding,
    co-operation and amity, rather than a source of contention, between
    the wider British and Irish democracies.

58. Accordingly the British and Irish Governments offer for
    consideration and strongly commend these proposals, trusting that,
    with generosity and goodwill, the peoples of these islands will
    build on them a new and lasting agreement.

1453.13whats the verdict?KERNEL::BARTHURTue Feb 28 1995 05:327
    
    So what is the verdict on the framework document then? Will it work? Is
    it no good?
    I've read it and think it's got UNITED written all over it! No bad
    thing but I cannot see the Unionists even sitting down to discuss it!
    
    Bill
1453.14ForeTALLIS::DARCYAlpha Migration ToolsTue Feb 28 1995 09:2518
    Hi Bill, how's it going?
    
    It appears to me to be slightly less United and slightly more
    British_want_out, though I agree the framework is certainly
    paving the way for more economic integration with the Republic
    and not less.
    
    I liken the peace process to golfing. There are many players
    involved. Some have hit on the fairway, a few others are wandering
    in the rough. But in order to make par and not ruin your score,
    you've got to be on that dancefloor, the green. I think we'll
    see some pretty interesting approach shots...
    
    On another note, Boston College should be giving that Ignatius
    medal to John Major, not to Maggie Thatcher...
    
    My 2 pence,
    /g
1453.15it's a startKERNEL::BARTHURTue Feb 28 1995 10:0711
    
    It's going well George!
    That's what I meant I guess. It reads to me like the Brit. Gov. is
    paving the way for a get out. Which is probably what the Unionists
    deserve, given their intransigence in refusing to live with their
    catholic/republican neighbours both in the North and South. However,
    they still have the legal right, as do their heirs to remain British
    and thats as it should be! A tough problem to solve and they have my
    sympathy!
    
    Bill
1453.16I'm hopefulYUPPY::MCGETTRICKSFri Mar 03 1995 11:5035
    It seems to me that the responsibility for solving the "Irish problem"
    has been delegated to those best placed to solve it - the Irish living
    in Ireland and in particular those who live in the North.
    
    The situation has been unreal for too long. For over 50 years the South
    literally and figuratively painted everything green. Meanwhiole the
    Unionists were busy painting everything "orange". Both sides ignored
    the sensitivities of the other and, with the help of a mythical border,
    acted as if the island was split with 1000 miles of ocean between the
    two parts.
    
    Now the ball is firmly in our court! The old border is evaporating.
    
    That said we must not ignore the real demographics of tribal loyalties
    on the island. A new, more real, border has become evident over the
    last 25 years. 
    
    Geographically it is where the majority shifts from one
    community to the other in the rural areas of counties Armagh, Tyrone,
    Fermanagh and Derry. The Irish Times did an analysis of sectarian
    assassinations and showed that they mapped onto an arc from Derry to
    Crossmaglen which coincides with the population switch. It's real
    alright. It is marked clearly on the ground as well by means of the
    overt displays of tribal loyalties you will see if you drive through
    these areas.
    
    We have to recognise this in future arrangements and be more
    accommodating of the aspirations of the minorities "caught behind enemy
    lines".
    
    By encouraging the further evaporation of the old border and
    recognising the that differences do exist as well as by providing a
    flexible basis for future discussions, the Framework document is a
    practical basis on which to enter the next phase on the Irish Evolution.
    
1453.17U.S. SEES THROUGH BRITISH STALLINGKOALA::HOLOHANThu Mar 23 1995 15:5081

               U.S. SEES THROUGH BRITISH STALLING

                an editorial from The Irish Voice
                       March 22, 28, 1995


                       __________________


     Remember the word 'permanent', without which the British
government stated there could be no movement on Northern Ireland,
unless the IRA used it to describe their cease-fire?

     Of course the IRA never used it, but the British bought
valuable time and succeeded is slowing down the peace process to
their pace for several weeks while the debate raged.

     We are now witnessing the same tactics over the
decommissioning of arms issue, which is likely to be resolved in
the immediate future. Again, the British have cleverly used a
tactic that ensures the pace of the peace process grinds to a
near halt, while they refuse to enter into substantive
negotiations with Sinn Fein which would include contact with
British ministers.

     The British reasons are many. They retain an ambivalence
about the cease-fire and the peace process which they have yet to
shed. Therefore, any slowdown in the pace of the negotiations
allows them to keep this dual strategy.

     The TV shots last week of John Major embracing Yasir Arafat,
the Gerry Adams of the Middle East, were as cleat an example as
any that the British, when it suits them, like to have it both
ways.

     Backers of the British government such as the U.S. State
Department, which appears to have its briefs on this issue
written from Whitehall, should known that decommissioning is
merely a tactic. The British do not seriously believe that the
IRA will disarm unilaterally without similar concessions on
weapons and troop numbers from the other side.

     No guerrilla army--not the Viet Cong, Irgun, the FMLN, the
IRA of Michael Collins--arrived at the negotiating table having
handed in their weapons. The difference between surrender and
subjection and peace through strength ia as apparent in this
conflict as it has been in others throughout the 20th century.

     Decommissioning of IRA arms belongs as a talks item, and the
Sinn Fein leadership have accepted that. British army withdrawal,
policing, prisoner release, the Joint Framework document and the
many other pieces of the Northern Ireland puzzle must also be put
into place before a permanent peace is secure.

     Because this is all about negotiating tactics, not
principles, President Clinton moved the peace forward in dramatic
fashion last week  by allowing Adams to fundraise and by meeting
him at the White House. By doing so, the British lost leverage on
Adams which they had sought to hold by ensuring that the U.S.
moved at the same pace they did on the peace process. However, to
his eternal credit, President Clinton had other ideas.

     Now  that the British have lost this particular tactical
battle, we can expect progress on the decommissioning issue in
the context of broader talks in the immediate future. And so the
process proceeds along, until the next speed bump ahead. No one
said making peace would be easy.

_______________________

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