| re: .3
<...as I stopped reading this conference when the IRA/UDF etc
<discussions got even more heated than usual.
Yo, Craig: I see where a regiment of Scots "terrorists" (well, after
all, they are in the Brit Army, aren't they?! And, they're not in their
own country, they're in IRELAND) lost a machine gun to the locals
the other day. Can ya tell me - did they ever find it again?!!! ;^>
Tsk, tsk, tsk.
Wow, a machine gun. That could ruin their whole day.
|
| Awhile back, I mentioned the word "vetting" - in reference to one
various forms of hidden discrimination that HMG practices on the nationalists
in the north of Ireland. Someone sent me mail, asking me to explain what I
meant by that term, and could I give an example of said use of "vetting" by
HMG to discriminate against the nationalists.
Basically, vetting is the refusal by the state to give grant money
to community, volunteer, cultural, or social groups that are elligible for
this form of monetary assistance from the government. As a rule of thumb in NI,
if it's a Nationalist group, then it's denied funding. Because as we all know,
all nationalist groups are *subversive.*
Well, since this is the "HMG Official Gaelic Note", and since one of the
worst cases of vetting by HMG to discriminate against the Nationalists
was their effort against the Irish language group, Glor na Gael, I thought this
to be a good place to write this note. Of course, the use of vetting to torment
and supress the nationalist community is more widespread and deeper than just
HMG trying to destroy an Irish language group.
But then again, to destroy a race's language is the first step toward
assimilation. And we know that teaching the Irish language to Irish
Nationalist kids is a *subversive* activity. Wot ho, God forbid they
should learn about their own culture and language. Note 1055.1 really
hit the mark with the comment:
" If it weren't for bonnie Prince Charlies ancestors Gaelic wouldn't
be part of history - it would be a living, everyday language!!!"
Right on!
Political Vetting in Ireland
from the "Doors of Hope" Newsletter 4/92
The following are excerpts from a report on political vetting after a
conference held in April of 1990 which was organized by various community groups
in the north of Ireland. It was held at Queens University in Belfast, sponsored
by such presitious groups as: Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action
and Community Workers Co-op. Other groups involved were Committee for the
Administration of Justice, and Centre for Documentation. All local groups were
invited to attend and to submit articles on their experiences on this topic.
The Background.
The political vetting in August, 1990 of the respected Irish language
umbrella group, Glor na Gael, serves as a timely reminder of the pervasive
nature and scope of the state's political vetting of community work in NI.
Although it is probably fair to say that such State vetting has always taken
place, in the past it would have come under the heading of State political
and/or religious discrimination. The current form of such vetting is, in many
ways, much more subtle.
In the past, whole minority social groups were treated as subversive,
stereotyped as such, and denied equality of opportunity in housing, jobs,
and services. While such discrimnation undoubtedly still exists, in recent
years the trend has been away from labelling mass populations or social
groupings as subversive and towards a more specific approach. In other
words, nowadays the State is more discriminatory against whom it discriminates,
and in its approach to potential treats to its power and control within local
communities.
The current form of political vetting of local communities and the
organizations and groups which represent them, causing most concern, is that
initiated by Douglas Hurd, then Sec. of State for NI, in June of 1985. According
to this policy, community groups which are alleged by the State to have some
association with paramilitary groups are denied access to public funds and are
blacklisted.
The fact that groups can be labelled and blacklisted without any specific
allegations having been brought by the State, with no evidence having to be
presented and with no form of redress being available to groups so affected
goes against all the tenents of justice. In Northern Ireland, this political
vetting affects not only funding and thus the activities of the particular
groups vetted, it also has the potential for leaving anyone associated with the
vetted group exposed to the threat of political assassination. This leads to
community/volunteer groups altering their legitimate activities and refusing to
get involved in actions which could lead to an improvement in the quality of
life for their communities. Simply because they are afraid that these actions
may give the government encouragement to vet them. As a result, political
vetting is like a cancer eating away at any genuine attempts by local
communities to identify and address their local needs.
In Mr. Hurd's statement to Parliament in June, 1985, he said:
"From information available to me, there are cases in which some
community groups, or persons prominent in the direction or management
of some community groups, have sufficiently close links with
paramilitary organisations, to give rise to a grave risk that
to give support to those groups would have the effect of improving
the standing and furthering the aims of a paramilitary organisation,
whether directly or indirectly. I do not consider that any use of
government funds would be in the public interest, and in any
particular case in which I am satisfied that these conditions
prevail, no grant shall be paid."
This decision was immediately followed by withdrawal of funds to Conway
Mill Enterprises; Conway Education Centre; La (an Irish language newspaper
that was forced to move from the Conway Mill before funding was restored);
Shantallow Tenants Assoc. (Derry); Dove House (Derry); Naiscoil Mhic Airt
(Belfast); Twinbrook Tenants Assoc. (Belfast); Glencairn Community Assoc.
(Belfast). Many other groups were added to the list.
Charges that are made in the above statement are so vague that it would
never hold up in any court. Unfortunately, in the British system, there was no
right to appeal once the decision was handed down. After six years of British
blacklisting one group after the other, Glor na Gael, an Irish language group in
Belfast, took the government to court in an attempt to reverse this decision.
All other groups are supporting them in this effort as their victory would be
significant for all others who will follow suit.
[End of article]
As I understand it, the case is still pending. Does anyone know if this
case has been adjudicated yet? Not that it matters, I mean, the outcome is
obvious isn't it? A minority case in a British backed, racist, apartheid,
sectarian state. Figure it out for yerself.
|
| re .-1
� As I understand it, the case is still pending. Does anyone know if this
�case has been adjudicated yet? Not that it matters, I mean, the outcome is
�obvious isn't it? A minority case in a British backed, racist, apartheid,
�sectarian state. Figure it out for yerself.
Yup. I believe the case is still pending, about par for the course in
actions of this nature. Regarding the outcome, ten or even five years
ago I would have agreed with you. The outcome would have be terribly
predictable, but today I'm not so sure.
Currently the British Judicial system is in a state of, I guess
confusion is the word. The release of the Birmingham Six, The Guildford
Four etc and the exposure of widespread corruption and/or malpractice
surrounding the original cases and the subsequent successful appeals
have shown HMG that they can no longer rely on a totally tame and
subservient judiciary to legitamise their excesses. I'm not saying that
the judiciary won't back HMG, just that HMG can't be sure that they
will be backed up.
I guess we keep a slightly jaundiced eye on this one, and if HMG's
decision is reversed, then I for one won't be too surprised.
Clive
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