T.R | Title | User | Personal Name | Date | Lines |
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1009.1 | A balanced approach | TALLIS::DARCY | | Wed Feb 26 1992 16:41 | 24 |
| >The "armed struggle" is to Sinn Fein what Marxist-Leninism was to the
>Soviet Communist Party, and Apartheid to the South African National
>Party. It needs to have the courage and imagination to cast off an
>outdated and limiting ideology before it can move forward. It will
>certainly have to do so before we see peace or unity in Ireland.
Toby, can't agree with you more. And likewise Britain must also
have the courage to start removing every one of her 18,000 soldiers
from the territory of Northern Ireland. And remove every border
checkpoint, every observation tower, every barbed wire fence,
every electronic surveillance device, every interrogation center,
every concrete obstruction in border roads, etc...
The peace effort must come from both sides. Only then will there
be peace.
And in those 10 minutes of working for peace I would write to
Sinn Fein requesting that they denounce violence and the IRA
and then write to the British government at 10 Downing Street
and express your displeasure with the presence of 18,000 British
soldiers in Ireland.
Regards,
/George
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1009.2 | | NEWOA::OREILLY | | Thu Feb 27 1992 07:25 | 7 |
|
What would happen in your veiw if the armed forces pulled out of
Ireland.
Neil
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1009.3 | Re: 1 & 2 | MACNAS::TJOYCE | | Thu Feb 27 1992 09:02 | 40 |
|
Re: .1
Unpalatable as the fact is, the argument that there is a sort of
"moral equality" between the IRA and the security forces just does
not stand up. Let me point out that the only group in NI at the
moment unilaterally committed to violence is the IRA. When the
UFF shot 5 Catholics on the Ormeau Road, they used only one word
to explain: "Teebane". The men who the SAS shot at Clonoe are quite
possibly the same men who planted the Teebane bomb.
Let me further point out that the security forces of the Republic of
Ireland co-operate fully with the British security forces in
combatting the IRA. At a meeting yesterday, John Major and Albert
Reynolds committed to continue to increase that co-operation. As the
government of the Republic represents the majority of Nationalists on
this island (the very people the IRA claim to be fighting for) I would
say that the surest path to peace is to get a strong message through
to the IRA that they represent nobody but themselves, and that there
claim to some sort of mandate is fictitious. The fact is: the majority
of nationalists recognise the security forces, while deploring any
illegality those forces might resort to.
However, I would encourage you to continue to strive for peace by
whatever means you see fit, as long as it does not include material
support for an immoral "armed struggle".
Re: .2
What would happen if the Brits withdrew? That's quite a question!
My own feeling is that the answer is contained in what has happened
to countries with divided societies like Yugoslavia, Cyprus, Lebanon,
Sri Lanka ... the list goes on. No mainstream Irish nationalist
party is really looking for this because we all fear a result with
worse consequences North and South. Which is why you get a load
of fudge like "declarations of intent to withdraw ..." etc. etc.
Read between the lines and you find that the IRA is feared a lot
more that the British Government.
Toby
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1009.4 | | WMOIS::CHAPLAIN_F | Tempus Omnia Vincit | Thu Feb 27 1992 17:15 | 20 |
|
re .2
Well, I figure there'd be a few REAL TENSE months immediately following
the withdrawal of British troops. At least the IRA will have essentially
ceased operation, their objective realized. The Loyalist paras would be
hard-pressed to find cause for continued violence...to what end? The
British would be gone and they would have but their own unfounded fears
to which to react. In the absence of IRA violence, are the Loyalist
paras expected to continue a war of attrition against suspected enemies?
Perhaps, but for the life of me, I cannot see why. I would expect life
for the Protestant community to go on much as before.
If I'm being hopelessly naive, please enlighten me. Please present
other scenarios as you see them. And when doing so, provide the
motivations for different reactions by either side, because I, for one,
cannot see it, though I've run it through my mind time and time again.
Thanks
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1009.5 | It's time to move on... | TALLIS::DARCY | | Thu Feb 27 1992 17:46 | 36 |
| Toby,
Britain holds *no* toehold in the area of morality in Northern
Ireland. The IRA have Teebane, Enniskillen, etc., but the
British have Aidan MacAnespie, Fergal Carragher, and many others.
The conflict will not diminish simply because the British send
more soldiers into Northern Ireland. That will only cause more
violence.
The real answer is for Britain to become an honest broker for
peace in Northern Ireland. For exmple, how many British soldiers
are serving time in jail for murders committed in Northern Ireland?
The only one I believe is that Nelson guy they just sentenced a
short while ago. *All* the others are either out on probation or
weren't even charged with any crime.
Do you expect that the conflict will miraculously end because people
simply denounce Sinn Fein? The only way to end it is to negotiate with
all parties involved, end the violence, and remove the British
military from Ireland once and for all.
I think it's time to take off the blinders and see the reality ->
with the emergence of the EC, Ireland is now a part of Europe,
not part of Britain.
If Ireland and Britain could remove their military curtain from
Northern Ireland, it would free up massive amounts of money. That
money would be better used to lower the tax rates and provide
economic assistance to compete against the Germans and the Dutch,
who, by the way, are buying up of all Ireland as we speak.
I think I'm starting to ramble here ;v)
Oiche mhaith,
/George
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1009.6 | Re: .4 & .5 | MACNAS::TJOYCE | | Fri Feb 28 1992 05:32 | 62 |
|
Re: .4
I'm afraid you are being a bit naive. You seem to ignore the turmoil
of the fears and hatreds that have been happening in the North.
You are dealing with a polarised community of Catholic and Protestant
and years will pass before each can sit down with respect for the
tradition of the other, and agree common structures. At the moment I see
no alternative to having the BG as a central authority preventing complete
fission in warring factions.
Re: .5
George, it's not just me saying what I am saying. I am repeating
what has been said by people like Father Denis Faul and John Hume.
These men are far closer to what has been going on in the North
than me or you. I would suggest that the Fr Faul's work for human
rights is second to none. Are you saying he is just a Sinn Fein-
basher?
The British role in Ireland is a fact recognised in international
law. The U.K. has a commitment to stay in the North until the majority
there decides otherwise. The Irish government has accepted this
by international treaty, and put its constitutional claim to
the North on the table for negotiation. The security forces of
both governments co-operate as fully as possible to combat
terrorism. The Irish government uses its authority to try to
curb the excesses of the British security forces, which are apt to
cross the line of illegality as often occurs in counter-terrorism
operations. These efforts have met with some success, as charges
have been brought in the Carraher case, and the occurrances of
suspected illegal killing by the security forces has reduced
significantly, while mass-killing by the IRA of people considered
innocent of any crime has increased (e.g human bombs, Teebane,
Thomas Oliver).
The deep and profound wish of the majority of Irish men and women
expressed through the ballot box, through the churches, through
the media, and through the peace movement is for THE KILLING TO
STOP. The category of people who are most frequently killed in
Northern Ireland is that of "innocent bystander".
Do you believe it is morally correct of the IRA to ignore the
wishes of the people it claims to be fighting for?
In view of the fact that the people at the highest risk in the IRA
campaign are innocent bystanders (such as the people who suffer the UDA
reprisals) do you still believe it morally correct of the terrorists
to continue their activiies?
What would be lost if the IRA "dumped arms", reserving the right
to take them up again at tha later stage?
What can conceivably be achieved by violence at this stage that
could not be achieved by peaceful democratic agitation?
As I said above, I think there is room for a broad peace movement
encompassing both communities calling for the paramilitaries to
get off the backs of the people, and opposing any illegal application
of violence.
Toby
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1009.7 | | PEKING::WOODROWJ | The Purple People Eater | Fri Feb 28 1992 06:27 | 18 |
| Toby, you might be able to answer a question that has been puzzling me.
When Albert Reynolds toddles over to have his chat with the majorette
the other day, he spoke of Articles 2&3 being 'on the table' in future
discussions. He also spoke wanting to see to the 1922 Government of
Ireland Act on the table alongside.
This, I confess, puzzled me because I had always thought the Government of
Ireland Act to have been long overtaken by events and to have been
superseded, to all intents and purposes, when the Anglo-Irish Agreement
was ratified by the British Parliament.
Could you possibly enlighten me as to what in particular he was talking
about?
Cheers,
Joe
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1009.8 | TWO Acts | MACNAS::TJOYCE | | Mon Mar 02 1992 05:35 | 34 |
|
There are not one, but TWO, Government of Ireland acts.
The first (which could also be called the Fourth and Last Home Rule
Bill) was passed in 1920 and partitioned Ireland into two states, with
a parliament for each. The act governing the status of the South
was superseded by the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. The Northern
Parliament was prorogued in 1972, but this act is still the "basic
law" of Northern Ireland.
The second (that of 1948) was a reaction to the declaration of a
republic by "Eire" (as it was then), and contains the guarantee
that there will be no change in the status of Northern Ireland
unless by majority consent of its citizens. This gives the
Unionists a veto over a change in constitutional status.
This has been copper-fastened in the Anglo_Irish treaty so
cannot be bargained against Articles 2 & 3, since the principle
has been effectively conceded by the Republic.
Reynolds is proposing a neat trick, to ignore the 1948 act
and put the basic act which set up Northern Ireland on to
the table as a "quid pro quo" for his putting articles 2 &
3 (which have a claim to the North in them) up for negotiation.
He seems to have a pooling of sovereignty over NI in mind, and if
he brought it off, would leaving him walking on water (or
on a pool of sovereignty).
Naturally, there are Unionist rumblings offstage. It's too
early to say, particularly with a British election coming
up soon, what it might lead to.
Toby
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